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Long Live 50 Years of Naxalbari -Tampa Maoist Collective



50 years of naxalbari
“In India, the Naxalbari Peasant Revolutionary Armed Uprising, which will complete its 50th anniversary – was influenced and inspired by the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution of China. Naxalbari was a path breaking event under the leadership of Comrade Charu Majumdar – one of the two great leaders, teachers and founders of the CPI (Maoist) (alongside Kanhai Chatterjee) – which marked a new beginning in the history of the country’s democratic revolution.”
These are the observations made by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) while giving a call to celebrate the four great events in the history to achieve socialism in the world, including the fiftieth anniversary of Naxalbari.
It’s obvious that the Maoists – definitively in the CPI (Maoist) – are the real inheritors of the Naxalbari Movement in India, alongside certain revolutionary groups and individuals all over the country. Unless a Bolshevik party is built with Bolshevik spirit to achieve the Indian revolution uniting all such revolutionary forces, New Democratic Revolution in India, a precursor to socialism cannot be achieved.
Naxalbari stands as a dividing line in all aspects of the semi-feudal, semi-colonial Indian polity, society, and culture between the exploiting and the exploited classes, the rulers and the ruled, the comprador bourgeoisie and the broad masses of peasantry and working classes, the parliamentary politics and the alternative revolutionary people’s path. In one word, the class struggle under the leadership of the working class as vanguard to seize state power for the people, and the productive forces to change the relations of production.
The Naxalbari movement for the first time defined the character of the Indian state as a semi-feudal and semi- colonial, comprador bourgeois dictatorship. It had taken Maoism, Marxism-Leninism of this epoch as its world outlook. It had rejected parliamentary politics. It had chosen the path of New Democratic Revolution and waged a protracted war against the state, with armed struggle as the main form of struggle. Its economic programme of land struggle was started in Naxalbari on 23rd May 1967 with the Santals of Naxalbari and Kheribari villages occupying land and declaring their right over the land till 25th May and laying down their lives to protect it against state armed forces intervention.
CPI Maoist
Its military programme is guerrilla war till it has liberated villages and ultimately entered face to face war in capturing the Centre. Today it has reached its mobile warfare stage in Dandakaranya, Bastar in Chhattisgarh and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra put together.
Its political programme is ‘all power to the people’ like that of Soviets in Soviet Russia, and Communes in People’s Republic of China. This political programme was in effect in its embryonic form in Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Wynad and other Adivasi peasant struggles, for that matter even during Telangana Peasant Armed struggle (1946-51).
The programme has taken a firm, vivid and crystal clear form in adopting the resolution to form the Grama Rajya Committees in the 1995 Special Plenum of CPI (ML) Peoples War. Though it was crushed in hundreds of villages in North Telangana during 1995-2003, with encounter killings and such other extra constitutional forms in bloodshed to implement imperialist globalisation policies, it could sustain itself in Dandakaranya and for the last twelve years it has risen to the stage of Janatana Sarkar, where a self-reliant, self-sufficient, united front rule under the landless, the small peasantry, the middle peasantry and the rich peasantry exists. Adivasi, Dalit and oppressed classes are ruling themselves under the leadership of the Party, with the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army protecting the alternative people’s power. And that is why we see today the war on the people particularly in Eastern and Central India, in the Adivasi areas of Jangalmahal in Bengal, Saranda in Jharkhand, Dandakaranya, Andhra-Orissa Border and the Western Ghats.
The Naxalbari spirit of broad revolt was in fact continued by the CPI (ML) of Andhra Pradesh taking the experience of Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle in implementing the mass line and forming mass organisations, particularly after the set back of the Srikakulam movement. After the set back and the martyrdom of Charu Mazumdar in 1972, a Self Critical Report was written and efforts were made to form a Central Organizing Committee which finally resulted during the Emergency to lay down the ‘Road to Revolution’ in the meeting of the Telangana Regional Committee in 1976. Because of the inheritance of Telangana Armed Struggle Virasam – Revolutionary Writers’ Association was formed in 1970, Jana Natya Mandali a great upsurge in the people’s cultural movement has come in 1972, Pilupu – a magazine for the oppressed masses was started in 1973 and by 1974 Radical Students Union – RSU- was also formed.
During the Emergency the radical students had to go underground and conducted studies on the land relations in the villages which can be compared to Hunan Studies under the leadership of Mao Tse Tung, resulting in the great mass upsurge for occupation of land by the landless and poor agricultural laborers particularly Dalits and oppressed classes. The Second conference of RSU in Warangal had given a call to students and youth to ‘go to villages’ to propagate the politics of New Democratic Revolution and to help landless people occupy land and wage struggle to protect it.
A meeting organised in Jagityal, which was later known as ‘Jagityal Jaitra Yatra’ in September 1978 occupied land in 150 villages and declared the right of the people over it. From then onwards a history of class struggle with the mass line continued. The CPI (ML) People’s War was formed in 1980 and with Dandakaranya Perspective had sent squads into Sironcha of Maharashtra and Bastar of Madhya Pradesh.
Dandakaranya Perspective envisaged that unlike a liberated base area in Yenan of China,  the Indian Revolution may need more base areas to usher in New Democratic Revolution, since it also will be a path- breaking revolution to achieve socialism in the world.
In 1999 CPI (ML) Party unity which was active in Bengal, Bihar, Delhi and Punjab merged with Peoples War taking the name of CPI (ML) Peoples War.
On 21st September 2004 CPI (ML) Peoples War and Maoist Communist Centre with a long history of class struggle in Bihar and Bengal under the leadership of Dakshinadesh came together and united as CPI (Maoist).
The united congress of CPI (Maoist) took place in 2007 after the first congress of CPI (ML) in 1970. For the last ten years the peoples war in this country in continuing under this leadership of CPI (Maoist). There is again a line of demarcation between the various CPI (Marxist-Leninist) parties participating in parliamentary elections while talking about the armed struggle, and the CPI (Maoist) adhering to boycotting elections and armed struggle as the main form of class struggle.
In spite of ups and downs, advances and setbacks, once mass line was adopted in 1976, there has been a consistent journey. Today we see the movement in more than one state, even according to the Central government in 16 states there is CPI (Maoist) organisation and in many states particularly in DK, AOB, Jharkhand and Bihar, Western Ghats there are armed struggles supported by mass organisations. In DK there is the Bhoomkal Militia that is the People’s Guerrilla Army safeguarding the people’s power.
Though it looked like a struggle for land whether in Naxalbari, Srikakulam or Telangana in the 1970s, it is a genuine anti-feudal, anti-imperialist struggle with the slogan of ‘land to the tiller’, aiming at seizure of state power by the people. That is why the comprador rulers at the Centre and states look at it with fear and brand it as the “greatest internal threat” to the system and the state.
The imperialist globalisation policy adopted by the Indian government in 1991 as the new economic policy proved the vision of Naxalbari in characterising the state as a collusion of comprador, feudal and imperialist forces.
Naxalbari path being implemented in Dandakaranya, Bihar and Jharkhand, AOB, Western Ghats and Jangalmahal is adopting an alternative people’s development programme to protect the natural wealth and human labor which are plundered by the multinational companies and the big companies in Eastern and Central India.
Whatever may be the political party in power in parliamentary politics – whether an all India party or a regional party – it is adopting the globalisation policy and hence the patriots, the democrats, environmentalists and all those who genuinely feel to uphold the sovereignty of the people have to stand in solidarity with the struggles of the broad masses of this country, particularly Adivasis, Dalits, peasants, workers, women, muslims, students and unemployed youth in different unorganised sectors under the leadership of CPI (Maoist) and other revolutionary forces for alternative politics – self-reliant and self-sufficient, self rule which will usher in New Democratic Revolution. That is the dream of thousands of martyrs who have laid down their lives in fighting against this exploitative system and the state.
One need not go into the details of the degeneration of the parliamentary politics, particularly in the light of 72 votes to Irom Sharmila in Manipur and the UP elections where the BJP could get absolute majority without giving a single seat to Muslims.
So the only hope left to the democratic forces in this country is New Democratic Revolution, the unfulfilled democratic task given to us 50 years ago by Naxalbari movement.
The Tampa Maoist Collective is sharing this statement on behalf of the International Committee to Support the People’s War in India


For over a year now, Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FightBack!) (FRSO) has refused to address allegations of sexual assault and rape cover-up. As former members of the organization, we recognize the need to publicly self-criticize for upholding FRSO’s line on these allegations.
We self-criticize for: upholding an anti-people political line, distorting democratic centralism, and expressing misogyny. At the heart of FRSO’s mishandling of sexual assault allegations lies an anti-people political line, which we upheld. This line views the organization as something which stands over and above the masses, and is not held accountable to them. By equating FRSO with the revolution and party building in the US, we failed to view the people as the makers of history and ignored their concerns. As former members, we viewed Democratic Centralism incorrectly, emphasizing the centralism of the organization itself over democracy and connecting with the masses. This bureaucratic distortion caused us to submit to the decisions of higher bodies regarding the allegations, even when they were clearly incorrect, divorced from the reality of the situation, and misogynist. We viewed the organization as the most important thing, and all other concerns as secondary. Misogyny is a major factor in this position, which specifically ignores the concerns of women and queer people. It is inherently misogynist to not address allegations of sexual assault because they “derail the work of an organization.” So-called revolutionary groups and revolutionaries are not exempt from misogyny. We assumed that because our organization was paying lip service to women’s and queer liberation we could not be misogynist. This is a form of identity politics and liberalism which is absolutely incorrect.
Whenever people or organizations publicly disagree with FRSO’s handling of the allegations, the internal response is almost always to snitchjacket, denouncing them as either cops or wreckers. Additionally, the organization extends its policy of snitchjacketing into its mass organizations. Not only do FRSO cadre participate, they also dominate the discussion with mass activists by insisting that you either side with FRSO or are a cop. This is another expression of anti-people politics which views FRSO as the only thing that matters in the United States. As FRSO cadre organizing in the mass organization Students for a Democratic Society, we applied this reactionary political line. Whenever the accusations were mentioned, we insisted that they were designed to destroy the organization and were part of a plot against the FRSO. Snitchjacketing is unacceptable in any groups which claim to be revolutionary, and as cadre of the Tampa Maoist Collective, we will actively oppose snitchjacketing in all its forms.
We — the former members of FRSO — were not exempt from the organization’s absolutely reactionary, vile behavior. It is therefore our duty to publicly expose and denounce our own involvement in this deplorable trend of opportunism, victim blaming, and misogyny for which we are self-criticizing. By going along with the actions of Freedom Road, we helped to legitimize this policy. Our behavior funneled people into the circles of the organization who otherwise would have avoided it due to the allegations. Internally, we failed to challenge the official line that the allegations were handled correctly and were meant only to destroy the organization. We also failed to investigate the allegations independently of FRSO, and took their word as truth. This caused our membership with FRSO to act as a barrier between ourselves and the masses. Our willingness to accept the words of friends for the sake of peace was an expression of liberalism which actively endangered the well-being of the people. These errors are expressions of our primary one, which was to ignore the concerns of the people and focus only on the organization.
FRSO’s failure to address the allegations is counter-revolutionary. Communist organizations must be actively proletarian feminist, and are obligated to hold themselves accountable to the masses, and take issues of sexual assault as a matter of life-and-death for the organization. The Marxist-Leninist movement has a long history of failure in addressing the struggles of women and queer people. The Maoist movement must rectify these errors in practice, and engage in organizing for the liberation of women and queer people. We the former members of FRSO intend to rectify these errors in practice by upholding proletarian feminism and recognizing that we are ultimately responsible to the people alone. This will be done by using the mass line and proletarian feminism as key links in our organizing. Any and all instances of misogyny, anti-people behavior, or bureaucracy will be ruthlessly criticized and rectified by our collective. We will work to internalize democracy within our organization and put it in service to the people. We will recognize that our organization is not one which has fallen from the heavens, but which is growing out of the people themselves. Any individuals or organizations which fail to uphold the principles of proletarian feminism and the mass line must necessarily be swept away in a tide of revolutionary justice.    


On January 25th 2017- We are excited to announce the founding of the Tampa Maoist Collective, a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist cadre organization.  As revolutionaries in the United States we recognize that only the science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism can build for the overthrow of capitalism, imperialism, and fascism.  The current US left is dominated by revisionism and reformism and has proven incapable of leading any meaningful resistance to capitalism. The archaic dogmas of Marxism-Leninism have outlived their usefulness to the masses and cannot grapple with the pressing political questions concerning class struggle.  In practice, Marxism-Leninism has lead to small sects riddled with revisionism, bureaucratism, and social democracy.  In the United States, Marxism-Leninism has remained stagnant for decades at best and counterrevolutionary at worst.  Marxism-Leninism reached its limit in the 1960’s, creating the basis for a new and higher stage of revolutionary science, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Several of our members have direct experience within the revisionist left, namely the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FightBack!).  We have separated entirely from this organization and view them as obstacles to revolution.  They actively practice reformism and tailism while masking their politics to the masses.  As the communist movement learned during the cultural revolution, the opponents of socialism wave the red flag to oppose the red flag.  FRSO(FB) refuses to orient itself towards the masses and has ignored allegations of sexual assault and rape apology.  Members of FRSO(FB) have repeatedly snitch-jacketed and harassed anyone who speaks out against their organization.  Any organization which cannot handle accusations of sexual assault most certainly cannot build a vanguard party.
The basis for a new communist party in the United States can only come about through the hegemony of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.  As such, we will work towards building a new communist party alongside other Maoist collectives throughout the United States.  We see this as our ultimate goal, and the ultimate goal of the entire communist movement at this time.  As we create the basis for a new communist party, we will simultaneously work to build a people’s army and united front of all those who can be united against capitalism. This will necessarily take a protracted struggle as we gather forces around a revolutionary line.  We understand that the mass line is our principle method of organization and the goal of our work is to serve the people.  In the spirit of Comrade Mao Zedong, “all our cadre are servants of the people, and whatever we do is to serve the people.”
Build the Collectives, Build the Party! 
Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism! 

Founding Document PCI (maoist)

  • “Party Programme”, by the Central Committee (Provisional) of the CPI(Maoist), Sept. 21, 2004.
    PDF Pamphlet format (70 KB)       MS Word format (108 KB)
  • “Political Resolution”, by the Central Committee (P) of the CPI(Maoist), Sept. 21, 2004.
    PDF Pamphlet format (152 KB)
  • “Hold High the Bright Red Banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism”, by the Central Committee (P) of the CPI(Maoist), Sept. 21, 2004.
    PDF Pamphlet format (85 KB)
  • “Strategy & Tactics of the Indian Revolution”, by the Central Committee (P) of the CPI(Maoist), Sept. 21, 2004.
    PDF Pamphlet format (297 KB)
  • “Constitution of the CPI(Maoist)”. Not dated, but from the founding of the Party.
    MS Word format (79 KB)
  • “Joint Press Statement Upon the Merger of MCCI and CPI-ML(People’s War) and the Founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)”, Oct. 14, 2004.
    HTML format
  • “Joint Interview of the General Secretaries of the Erstwhile CPI(ML)(PW) & the MCCI on the Occasion of the Merger of the Two Parties and the Formation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)”, Nov. 7, 2004. People’s March, Supplement Nov.-Dec. 2004.
    MS Word format (130 KB)
  • “Hail the Formation of Communist Party of India (Maoist)”, a 32-page pamphlet with color photographs, published in Kolkata in 2004.   English: PDF Format   (7,391 KB)

A Powerful Poem on Prof G N Saibaba

A Powerful Poem on Prof G N Saibaba
Friends, A couple of days ago, Virasam’s website carried this powerful poem on G N Saibaba written by Arasavilli Krishna. Please see an English translation:

Where is my friend’s house?
Arasavilli Krishna
I asked
The sprout bursting out of dilapidated walls
I asked
The flowers of grass going to sleep in the courtyard
I looked searchingly into
The awaiting eyes of the just-born calf
Where is my friend’s house?
Strolling on the path
I collected some red flowers in my pocket
I sought
The fingers of my friend
Amidst the chinks in the misty droplets
Falling out of the bars of the window
My friend’s love letter
Remained in my hands
The letter that was addressed to
Birds and pigeons
Sneaked into my books
In the hurry of closing school
Please tell me how to reach my friend’s house
How much I explored
In the poor huts of Amalapuram
In the midst of the stink of dry fish
I wanted to hand over
The love letter in my hands
With utmost tenderness
I waited in the dark at the ruined walls
Like a wounded old dog
To see the wet face of my friend
That looked like foam on the milk
With the sound of closing eyes of fish
I caressed the fallen bricks of my friend’s house
I asked politely
The brown coloured smiling lizard
And the falling pieces of the layers of lime
Please tell me whereabouts of my friend
I asked the tricycle
That carried my friend’s body and dreams
Where is my friend?
I pulled out the love letter from my pocket
And kept it at the entrance
My conversation with the walls was ended
When I moved on my way
A jail bird perched on my arm said:
Your friend is alive
He is greeting people
From the midst of walls built by state
People will remember your friend
In the spaces between specks of food on their plates

Published on Virasam website
(Translation from Telugu by N Venugopal)

1000 take part in maoists martyrs Visakhapatnam



Condition of Unorganized Workers in India

By Sanjay Pathak.
The sheer size of the unorganized labour sector in India, the complex socio-economic and political relations that sustain it, and the deep-rooted networks of exploitation, make any systematic study of the subject a rather challenging task. One can only form a rather superficial notion about the issue from the scarce and often unreliable data.
Moving beyond that requires a strong and consistent engagement with the lives and struggles of people in this sector, through organizing and building movements in these communities. The trajectory of this extremely crucial project will possibly become clearer in the near future. But before we launch into that discussion, let us share a few snapshots from the daily lives of unorganized workers in the Behala-Chanditala area around the city of Kolkata.
Snippets from Daily Life
It is a room with a high ceiling. Right outside the entrance, one can see rows of plastic bags stacked up against the wall on both sides of the street. Inside, all you can see are huge piles of plastic products — buckets, utensils, hangers etc — almost touching the ceiling. Next to these are machines which, as per the rules set by the factory owner, do not stop production unless something breaks. The 12 hour per day work schedule is merely a rule on paper; workers at times have to work for 24 to 36 hours at a stretch. A short flight of iron stairs on one side lead to a platform constructed about 4 feet below the ceiling. This is where the workers live — a 10 ft by 7 ft space which provides the sleeping area for 6-7 workers. Not even the persistent noise from the machines can disturb the slumber of exhausted bodies which have toiled through a brutal 12 hour shift. Underneath the platform is the makeshift kitchen, surrounded by stacks of newly produced plastic objects, where quick meals are cooked at the end of a shift. It is better not to ask what would happen in the event of a fire.

I don’t even get to know when the sun rises and when daylight fades off. I completely lose track of time and which day of the week it is. Fighting with this machine, I have worked not just 12 hour shifts, but often 24 hour shifts and at times even 72 hour ones, for my employer. Yet it does not quench his hunger. One day, when I suddenly hear the sound of crackers along with the noise of the machine, and catch a glimpse of a bright lights, I wonder if Diwali is near. I yell – are e Lakhan, Chhat Puja kab hai re? There is very little chance that my voice will penetrate through the deafening noise of the machine and reach Lakhan. We are called “Majdoor”. For us it means only one thing — Maja se door (far from anything fun), someone whose only purpose in life is to serve his employer.

These are words of an unorganized worker in a plastic factory in the Behala-Chanditala neighborhood.
“Birla White” is a common choice for painting houses. In a temporary warehouse in the area serving as a production unit, one can see stones being pulverized in a machine, treated by various chemicals and packaged. As the machine operates, it is impossible to see through the dense smog of dust and yet the workers are forced to work in this environment without any protection. Next to the warehouse is a card board cutting factory. The same set of 8-10 workers, hailing from remote villages in Bihar, work in both places.
Not too far from from the center of Chanditala, one finds a garment factory consisting of 7-8 production units in the same complex. Most of the workers here are women. They get 120-150 rupees for a 10 hour day, without any benefits. Last year ten women workers were fired without any explanation.
A plastic factory worker was assigned 12 hour night shifts daily. He wanted to change his shift. Once he raised the issue with his employer, it didn’t take long for the worker to lose his job. Such is the absolute power an employer wields over the workers.
Shiben from Kooch Bihar has been employed in transporting building materials in the Behala area for the last twenty years. The “cycle-van” he uses for his work is often confiscated by the local police, who demand a hefty bribe to release it. He lives in a warehouse owned by his employer. There’s a security guard who manages a complex with a number of factories. He earns a meagre 2200 rupees per month without any benefits. He used to be a worker at a factory which shut down. His family is based in Amta, while he lives in the factory premises.
A few hundred domestic workers, mostly women, work in the sprawling housing complexes on the BL Saha Road near Kalabagan and near the Buroshibtala Main Road. In spite of widespread complaints regarding work hours, salaries, leaves, and security, the absence of any organization makes it impossible for them to effectively bargain for their demands. This is how thousands of workers, deprived of any state protection, are forced to toil away at the mercy of extremely oppressive factory-owners.
The total number of unorganized sector workers in the country is about 44 crores, who generate nearly 60 percent of the country’s GDP. How are these people, who form the backbone of the nation’s economy, doing after all? What we presented is just a glimpse into the jarring reality of life as an unorganized worker, in this tiny industrial hamlet of Behala-Chanditala.
The problem, however, is not restricted to such small industrial regions. It is probably fair to say that this is the generic situation across the country. Although we won’t go into the details of regional variations and similarities in the condition of unorganized workers in this article, we will point to certain broad features, based on the available government data.
India’s Unorganized Sector: A Quick Glimpse
Compared to the organized sector, the government data available for the unorganized sector workers is of a much poorer quality. Therefore, constructing any picture of the real conditions of the workers based on such data would certainly be incomplete.
According to the National Sample Survey Organization 2011-12, around 2.8 crore of the 47.41 crore employed work in the organized sector while a whopping 43.7 crore are employed in the unorganized sector. Within the unorganized sector, around 24.6 crore workers are associated with agriculture, while 4.4 crore workers are employed in construction. The remaining are employed in the manufacturing and service industries. According to the report, nearly 51 percent of the total workforce of the country is self-employed. “Employment and Unemployment Survey 2011-12” suggests that West Bengal has the largest share of workers in the unorganized sector. It has also been suggested that the contractual workers, who are employed by the organized sector in large numbers, do not figure in these data. There is an unmistakable trend of moving a huge fraction of the workforce into the unorganized sector, where the protection of the labour laws can be compromised. Needless to say, one doesn’t get to see this reality in the Planning Commission documents.
The Labour Ministry of India divides unorganized workers into four categories by occupation, nature of employment, specially distressed groups and service.
Small and marginal farmer, landless agricultural laborer, share cropper, fishermen, those engaged in animal husbandry, beedi rolling, labeling and packing, building and construction workers, leather workers, weavers, artisans, salt workers, workers in brick kilns and stone quarries, workers in saw mills, and workers in oil mills.
Nature of employment:
Under this category, the terms of labour/employment are considered. Attached agricultural labourers, bonded labourers, migrant workers, contract and casual labourers are part of this category.
Specially distressed groups:
This sector includes toddy tappers, scavengers, carriers of head loads, drivers of animal driven vehicles, loaders and unloaders.
Service Workers:
This category includes service workers such as midwives, domestic workers, barbers, vegetable and fruit vendors, newspaper vendors, pavement vendors, hand cart operators, and those working in unorganised retail.
Obviously, the unorganized sector extends way beyond these artificial and high inadequate categories. Cobblers, handicraft workers, women tailors, self-employed disabled people, rickshaw pullers, auto rickshaw drivers, silk workers, wood workers, leather and jewelry workers, garment mill workers, private bus workers, security guards, workers at auto repair shops, zari workers and those in many other trades also belong to the unorganized sector. This staggering spectrum of occupations and the complex socio-economic relations that arise from them have been clumsily pigeonholed by the state into a set of artificial categories. As the unorganized sector workers build their struggle, these ground realities are expected to become clearer. But for now, let us present some facts and analysis to outline some of the important features in the conditions of the unorganized sector worker in India.
Some General Facts
As mentioned earlier, unorganized workers form the overwhelming majority of the Indian workforce. Most of them are people from the adivasi (indigenous) communities, lower castes, religious minorities and other oppressed social groups. Given the long history of discrimination and deep-rooted exploitation, these communities have been systematically denied educational and economic opportunities. Workers usually have only seasonal employment. According to the NSS report, around 45 percent of the total workforce is unskilled, of which about 65 percent are women. Most places have 12 hour shifts, the working conditions are despicable and workers are denied the minimum wage as well as any other benefits. They are forced to work in hazardous environments, and get no social respect for their hard work.
Lack of education and skills, as well as the lack of opportunity to get training puts the worker in an extremely disadvantaged position vis-a-vis the business owner. In fact, in many cases, the usual worker-owner relation is supplanted by relations based on personal or family ties, or some other social relation. There are significant caste and communal divisions among the workers, especially in rural areas. Often an employer will engage a subcontractor leading to a regime of unabated exploitation of the worker. Due to dismal wages, it is common for workers to incur debt and be forced to work for free in order to repay the loan.
In certain cases, like the zari workers for example, the entire family is on the verge of destitution, where the parents along with the children are solely engaged in this work, trying to sustain themselves. The children in the family have no opportunity to pursue education. In addition, there are diseases that workers and their families contract because of the hazardous working conditions. Even in the few industries, where productivity of the unorganized sector matches that of the organized sector, the wages in the former are abysmally low. On the one hand, the lack of opportunities and the criminal indifference of the state are subjecting the workers to extreme forms of exploitation. On the other hand, their lack of organization is crippling their ability to seek protection under the existing labor laws.
Why Unorganized Labour?
The total number of unorganized workers in the country is about 43.7 crores and according to trends available in government reports, the numbers are showing a steep increase every year. The surge in the number of unorganized workers in the years following economic liberalization in India is unmistakable. Even in the organized sector, the practice of employing contractors became widespread. Structural changes were quickly introduced in the production system so that casual and contract laborers, who were not protected by the labor laws, could be employed in large numbers. This necessitated decentralization of the production process, which still continues. Farming out has increased, the number contract laborers has swelled.
The state says that one needs to simplify the procedures for doing business. So what was done to achieve that? State control over capital, production, market, and foreign investment, was withdrawn. Under the slogans of “India Shining” and “ Make in India”, foreign capital was openly invited. But, of course, just an invitation wouldn’t be enough, unless you amend the labour laws in ways that the global capital demands. After all, you have to remove every obstacle on the path of the so-called development. Naturally, the solution is to further weaken the severely inadequate labor protection laws. To justify such drastic changes, national interest was declared to be inextricably linked with the capitalists’ interest.
But who would be the sacrificial lamb for this grand performance of national interest? Who would bear the real costs? Of course, it would be the uneducated, destitute unorganized sector workers. The NSS findings for the 2011-12 states that 80 percent of workers in the unorganized sector either have no contractual agreement with the employer or have contracts for less than a year, thereby receiving very little protection under the present labor laws. Capitalists want to use the project of liberalization to put together a global system where they will have undisputed control over the labor market, where they can hire and fire at will. No legal hurdles should be allowed to challenge the hegemony of capital. The current efforts of the central government to amend the existing labour laws should be viewed in this context.
The need to restructure production process in the era of globalization quite naturally made it unconventional and highly unorganized. Big capital demanded big profit which in turn required an army of unorganized workers. This restructuring of production led to a decline in the quality of products on the one hand, and made the market more competitive on the other. It opened the floodgates for using casual and part-time workers, who could be employed on far harsher terms than before. The owners wanted to cut costs of production in an increasingly competitive market and workers’ wages, working conditions, social safety benefits were the first casualties. Work shifts became significantly longer than before. The existing labour laws proved highly inadequate to protect the working class, as exploitation of the workforce reached unprecedented levels.
While pictures of affluence from the big cities are being projected as evidence of the country’s spectacular economic success, the plight of industrial laborers, farm workers, domestic workers, security guards, construction workers and people employed in a host of other small businesses, living forever on the margins of this progress, tells a rather different story.
Social Safety System
A slightly detailed reading of the “Unorganized Workers’ Social Security Act 2008” will show that it lays down certain guidelines for providing social security and and welfare benefits to the unorganized worker. How can this be an effective legislation unless it includes legally binding clauses on the right to work and future opportunities for the worker, if it does not mandate a minimum wage? This legislation does not clarify many significant details — what should qualify as appropriate social security benefits for the worker and his family, what should be the necessary features of such benefits, how and when can the worker actually access them, where will the funds come from and so on.
The proposals for minimum social security and legal rights of the ILO (International Labor Organization) were never accepted. When the right to work is not guaranteed, there is invariably a tendency to see social security benefits as an isolated issue. This is precisely what has happened for unorganized workers, who have been duped and cheated with the promise of social security. Almost identical things can be said about the “ Unorganized Sector Social Security Program” launched by the West Bengal government. A program, which does not secure the legal rights of workers, predictably did not create much enthusiasm.
The existing labor laws are highly inadequate, seldom applied effectively and have many sections which are demonstrably against the workers’ interest. What is really lacking is a coherent piece of legislation which addresses the pressing issues of workers’ nutrition, health, living space, work opportunities, wage, working conditions and post-retirement benefits. Although such a legislation does not exist at this point in time, it should be made a central issue of workers’ struggle in the coming days. Now that we have a presented some preliminary picture of the condition and problems of the unorganized workers in the country, what’s the way forward?
What Next?
A deep and thorough analysis of the life and struggles of the unorganized workers may be lacking, but it isn’t hard for one to get a broad idea of the crisis. However, not much grassroots work has been done on this issue, as of now. As a result, embarking on the gigantic socio-political exercise of understanding the wide spectrum of occupations in the unorganized sector and its problems, taking into account the regional variations, and simultaneously building effective organizations among them, is most definitely the need of the hour.

WSS Statement on the violence of Domestic Worker and State Repression on workers.

We condemn the forceful confinement and brutal abuse of Domestic worker Zohra Bibi at Mahagun Modern Society, Sector 78, NOIDA and the subsequent repression by the police and Central Culture Minister of other workers.
On 11th July 2017, Zohra Bibi, aged 27, a domestic worker, native of village Maidan, Dinhate, Cooch Behar AR West Bengal 736134, went missing according to her family members. Zohra worked as a domestic worker in 7 residences of Mahagun Modern Society, Sector 78 Noida and usually returned to her family of husband and four children residing in Sector 78 Noida, between 6:30 and 7:00 pm daily. As Zohra did not return home, Abdul Satter, her husband, went to the society at around 8.00 pm and enquired with the guards, who claimed she had eloped with a man, although the register of visitors clearly showed that while her entry was marked, no exit was recorded. He then went to the alleged accused employers residence Harshul Sethi R/O 012, who told Abdul that Zohra is accused of the theft of Rs 17000, and claimed to know nothing of her whereabouts. Abdul immediately dialed 100 and the police spoke to the Sethis and reiterated the possibility that his wife had eloped with another man and that he should come to the police station to file a missing complaint. Abdul was handed a blank sheet of paper when he reached the police station and told to return the next morning. On the contrary, on the 11th of July Zohra had gone to Sethis’ house to ask for her salary that had not been paid for two months. When she insisted she be paid, she was accused of theft by the Sethis and then she was brutally beaten by Harshul Sethi. Her phone was also confiscated by the family.
On 12th morning, Abdul, some relatives and neighbours around 30 to 40 from the neighbouring slums, reached the gates of the society to enquire about Zohras whereabouts again. The beat constable stationed in front of the society, as well as the guards of the society fired three rounds in air, which further agitated the crowd of people and then, they tried to barge in through the gates. Roughly 40 police and guards clashed with the domestic workers. During the melee one guard came out and said that Zohra was found and soon, Zohra was seen dragged by two guards. Her clothes were torn, she was semi conscious and Abdul was asked to take her home. Abdul refused to take Zohra home in the state she was in. The police intervened and took her to Ambedkar Government Hospital where an MLC was done. The police claimed in front of the media that she did not suffer any injuries.
After the MLC, Zohra and Abdul went to the police station in sector 49 NOIDA to file an FIR against the Sethi family on 12 th July 2017 at 8:30 am. The FIR registered merely mentions that she was forcefully detained by the Sethis beyond normal working hours. Some 3 hours after this, three more FIRs were filed in the same police station, first by the Sethis charging them with theft, second by members of the Society and third by the Mahagun Society builders. On the basis of the FIR filed by the Sethis, the police raided the slum colonies (bastis) where the domestic workers live and detained 58 men, including Zohras 15 year old son and kept them in the police station till late at night. 13 men were arrested and sent to judicial remand to Dasna Jail under section 307 and the rest were sent back home after a prolonged detention.
Mahagun Society members have been making claims that the majority of domestic workers are Bangladeshi immigrants, primarily Muslim, and who are illegally working in India. RWA of the Mahagun society have begun creating a blacklist of domestic workers (147 persons) and scheming for ways to reduce the wages of the workers. We need to recognise the conditions of labour these domestic workers have endured, the attitude of the residents, the political provocation by Mahesh Sharma MP of NOIDA who is also the Minister of State for Tourism and Culture, GOI, who has dismissed the complaints against the Sethis, the corruption and complicity of the police force and the power of prominent builders like Amit Jain in scuttling such issues through the use of brute force and threats. Also lack of legal mechanisms has led to severe exploitation of women and children which include depriving domestic workers of their entire salary for months, work hours more then 16-18 hours per day, absence of proper food and living/sleeping condition, forced and total cut off from their family members, bonded labour, sexual exploitation by placement agents during transit, at the office of the agency and at the work place in houses of employers. In the data released by the Ministry of Women and Child Development in February 2014, there were 3,564 cases of alleged violence against domestic workers reported in 2012, up from 3,517 in 2011 and 3,422 in 2010. While several legislations such as the Unorganized Workers Social Security Act, 2008, Sexual Harassment against Women at Work Place (Prevention, Prohibition & Redressal) Act, 2013 and Minimum Wages Schedules notified in various states refer to domestic workers, there remains an absence of comprehensive, uniformly applicable, national legislation that guarantees fair terms of employment and decent working conditions. Meanwhile only a unionised, united domestic workers force can face the crude brutality they face at the hands of the residents.
We condemn unequivocally this unravelling communal, anti-worker, anti-woman, anti-Muslim politically vitiated climate.
We Demand
  1. Action against the Sethis for illegally detaining, brutally assaulting and falsely accusing an employee while failing to pay her wages.
  2. Charges against 13 detained people as well as against Zohra and Abdul be droppedimmediately and to release them unconditionally.
  3. Action against the police for its refusal to act on the FIR filed by Zohra and Abdul, their abuse of power in detaining 58 persons including minors, and complicity with the builders and the political establishment in communalising the case.
  4. Action against the Mahagun builders Amit Jain for their complicity in covering up this clear case of violence against a woman belonging to the minority community.
  5. Action against Minister of State for Tourism and Culture, GOI & NOIDA MP Mahesh Sharma for further vitiating the environment by making provocative and inflammatory speeches in the society meetings.
  6. Workers in the Mahagun Society complex be paid their due wages, withdraw the list of blacklisted workers, and ensure the safety and security of the workers in the residential complexes and also in their residences.
Bittu, Nisha, Ranjana, Rinchin & Kalyani
WSS Coordinators
July 26, 2017
Contact Fact Finding team: Ajita

long live 50th anniversary Naxalbari uprising – support people’s war in india

L'immagine può contenere: 4 persone, spazio all'aperto

Austria for India

L'immagine può contenere: una o più persone e sMS

Pro.Saibaba’s letter from Behind the Bars

 ‘Why does this gigantic state fear our hopes, our love,our dreams?’ Prof. Saibaba asks in an emotional letter to his wife
Wheel chair bound Prof. GN Saibaba, who was sentenced to life imprisonment by Maharashtra Court for alleged links to Maoists and for “waging war” against India, has written a letter to his wife A S Vasantha Kumari on the occasion of her birthday.
Saibaba, who is languishing in Yarwada jail in Pune, after the court found him guilty of abetting Maoist activities and incarcerated him for life imprisonment under various sections of Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), asks her in the letter to not stop dreaming about an egalitarian and democratic society.

The letter, which was posted by Vasantha Kumari herself on her Facebook account, asks her to take a resolve to ‘face this adversity, this brutality inflicted on them, and violence perpetrated on them’.
Saibaba also urged Kumari to continue her hope and work for the rights of the people adding that his imprisonment should not discourage her.
“This case, this judgement and my incarceration in this prison are not a shame for us. These acts of the state are really a shame for the democracy. We dreamed for a better society, we hoped for the end to the inequalities, for human rights freedom, civil and democratic rights of the oppressed people, Dalits, Adivasis, women, the disabled the minorities. We continue to uphold these values and work for the betterment of the marginalised sections of the people to bring real democracy in our society”, said Saibaba.
He also said that the government can try to crush their hopes but it can not stop them from dreaming again.
”We are small people working for small people’s rights in small ways. Why does this gigantic state fear our hopes, our love, our dreams? Have we done anything wrong to anyone? Did we have to harm anyone? Why are our lives violated? Why are dreams criminalised.? Why are hopes crushed?  Can we live in our own world, in our little dreamy world on our own, dashing against brutal and inhuman violent attack on our dreams? What gives us strength at this hour to you and me?”
Prof. Saibaba
He, in the letter, also called her the lone fighter fighting for his freedom. “Now you are the lone fighter fighting for my freedom. Don’t get disheartened in these dark days we should not lose our hopes and dreams for the darkness can’t permanently overshadow the light. These are not empty words. These are not rhetorical phrases. The history proved several times over that our dreams are not empty ones. Our hopes are not idealistic nonsense. We will win”, he said.
Here read the full letter:
Dear Vasantha,
I wish you have a happy birthday to you. I hope this letter reaches the day of your birthday. Many happy returns of the day. I know how bad you feel without my presence on this day. The state has determined to separate us. It has even determined to destroy us. In 26 years of our married life, we have not looked forward to individual comforts and growths. 36 years of our companionship only hoped and worked for the society. In this context, I can only say you should continue hope and works for the rights of the people in my absence. My imprisonment and my absence should not discourage you. On your birthday today, you take a resolve to face this adversity, this brutality inflicted on us, this violence perpetrated on us.
This case, this judgement and my incarceration in this prison are not a shame for us. These acts of the state are really a shame for the democracy. We dreamed for a better society, we hoped for the end to the inequalities, for human rights freedom, civil and democratic rights of the oppressed people, Dalits, Adivasis, women, the disabled the minorities. We continue to uphold these values and work for the betterment of the marginalised sections of the people to bring real democracy in our society.
They can try and crush our hopes, our dreams, but they can’t stop us still dreaming, still nurturing hopes in our hearts. The false case, the fabricated judgement, and the dubious ways to keep me in prison should not discourage you, should not force you to lose hopes. For me, your birthday is always important, always brings cheers to me. You should feel happy on this day. We are small people working for small people’s rights in small ways. Why does this gigantic state fear our hopes, our love, our dreams? Have we done anything wrong to anyone? Did we have to harm anyone? Why are our lives violated? Why are dreams criminalised.? Why are hopes crushed?  Can we live in our own world, in our little dreamy world on our own, dashing against brutal and inhuman violent attack on our dreams? What gives us strength at this hour to you and me?
On the day of this birthday this year what can I give you? What do I have with me left? The same love. The same love that sprang between us when we met first during school days. You have given more love than I could ever extend to you in all our lives. I can still give you the same dreams that we shared since our adolescent love days.
Now you are the lone fighter fighting for my freedom. Don’t get disheartened in these dark days we should not lose our hopes and dreams for the darkness can’t permanently overshadow the light. These are not empty words. These are not rhetorical phrases. The history proved several times over that our dreams are not empty ones. Our hopes are not idealistic nonsense. We will win.
On your birthday this year from behind these bars, I rededicate myself to your love. I sustain my courage my hopes my dreams because of your love. Whatever I did in my life so far I could do it because you stood like a lighthouse showering love all along me.
Yours , With lot of love,
A district court in Gadchiroli last March sentenced Delhi University professor G N Saibaba and four others for aiding and abetting Naxal activities.
“Merely because Saibaba is 90 percent disabled is no ground to show him leniency… he is physically handicapped but he is mentally fit, a think tank and a high-profile leader of banned organisations”, the court had observed then.
Various human rights organisations have decried the judgement as insensitive and violation of earlier Supreme Court judgments.
Reports suggest that his health has deteriorated after the incarceration.
Recenlty, Kumari has posted an emotional appeal on Facebook, demanding intervention of the National Human Rights Commission in Saibaba’s case. She said that he may collapse in the jail any time and his life is in serious danger as the jail administration is not permitting him to take his medicines
Kumari told National Herald that he is inching towards death with every passing minute.
“We send medicines but it does not reach him. A couple of months ago, he wrote an emotional letter, expressing his helplessness. He cannot move his body. He cannot read or write. Most of the time, he, semi-consciously lies on the bed,” Kumari said.
In a Facebook post, she also said tha his ‘vital organs are now so severely getting damaged due to lack of proper medicines’.
”Apart from his physical disabilities, he is suffering from acute pancreatitis and impacted gall bladder-stones. He has been advised immediate surgery for gall bladder just one week before his conviction by an hospital in New Delhi. He was under pre-operative treatment when he was convicted and immediately incarcerated. Pancreatitis is a life- threatening and acutely painful condition. Instead of providing the necessary lifesaving treatment to Prof Saibaba, the jail staff have refused even to let him be attended by the jail doctor. Apart from pancreatitis, Prof. Saibaba has a serious heart condition.The Jail authorities are not providing any medical support. In addition, a false and dubious medical report is being under preparation. Even though his blood pressure (BP) records abnormal, in the jail medical records it was being reported as normal.”
AS Vasantha Kumari on Facebook
Following her letter, CPI leader D Raja has asked Home Minister Rajnath Singh to intervene and provide adequate medical treatment to ailing Dr G N Saibaba.
In a letter to Singh, Raja has said the health of Saibaba has “suffered an irretrievable breakdown”.
Source :

Release G.N. Saibaba immediately! By indiensolidaritet – sweden


Important CPI (Maoist) documents

"Against Proposed Aerial Attacks on Adivasi Areas"

Red Homage to CPI(Maoist) Central Committee member Comrade Sridhar Srinivasan!

“The closure of three thousand schools and ashrams by the CG government is a symbol of the economic and academic bankruptcy and its anti people character”

“In Support of the Australian Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle Against Adani”

“Rise Against the Proposed Salva Judum-2 with the name Vikas Sangharsh Samithi (Committee to Struggle for Development)! — An appeal to the people, democrats, progressive intellectuals, writers, teachers, lawyers, media personnel, human rights organizations, adivasi, non-adivasi social organizations, sarv samaj, sarv adivasi samaj”

“A Call to the People to Fight Back the New Form of Salva Judum and the Supportive Organization of Greenhunt, Salva Judum-2”

“Boycott the Visit of Modi, the Prime Servant of CBB and MNCs to Chhattisgarh”

“Against the Family Planning Murders of Women”

“Condemn the Limitation on Buying Paddy”, in support of the peasant’s struggle

“Against Harrakoder Fake Encounter"

MIB Interview with Comrade Ganapathy: “Building on the new, unique and unprecedented achievements of the last decade, Indian revolution will certainly overcome the difficult situation to win newer, larger and more glorious victories”

Unite, Fight Back and Defeat ‘OGH—Third Phase’ of the Fascist Modi Government

Fight Back [against] the Anti-Working Class Amendments to Labour Laws by the NDA Goverment! Vikas model of Modi is Vinash for the people of India and Vistar for the imperialists and compradors!

CC Collected Statements: Volume 1 (September 2004 - February 2007)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 2 (March 2007 - July 2010)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 3 (August 2010 - August 2014)

Collected Interviews — September 2004 - August 2014

Message to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with the People’s War in India

A Call to the People of India! Shatter the shackles of imperialism and feudalism, Destroy this rotten system! Build your future and that of the country with your own hands!

Statement in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Pamphlet in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Condemn the Invasion of Gaza and Massacre of Palestinians by Zionist Israel! Hail the Heroic National Liberation Struggle for Independent Palestine!

Pamphlet and in honor of Com. Barunda (Sushil Roy), put out by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Jan Sangram Issue4 July 2014 -Hindi

CC CPI(Maoist) Statement on the Lok Sabha Election Results

Jan Sangram 2014 March - Special Election Boycott Issue -Hindi

Jan Sangram, 2014 Pamphlet On International Day Of Support -Hindi

Tongpal Ambush is the Consequence of White Terrorism of the Indian State in the name of Operation Green Hunt — ‘War on the People

Merger Declaration of the CPI(Maoist) and CPI(M-L)Naxalbari

Boycott the sham parliament & assembly elections!

Comrade Abhay Interview on General Elections — 2014

Condolence Message of the CC, CPI(Maoist) on the Demise of Comrade S. A. Rauf

The message for the International Conference in Hamburg by the Secretary, CPI(Maoist)

The Call of the CC, CPI(Maoist) to celebrate the 9° anniversary of the Party

On the PLGA Attack of May 25