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Convention about political prisoners in India. The 22th of April, Delhi

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Call for a Campaign of Actions for Proletarian Feminism From the 12th of April Onwards – Anuradha Ghandy Campaign

We call for a series of actions led by revolutionaries for proletarian feminism in the French state and the whole world.

Starting from the 12th of April, we will relay initiatives that encourage the development and reinforcement of proletarian feminism and the revolutionary organizations which uphold it.

This date was not chosen by chance. It commemorates the 10 years anniversary of the death of Comrade Anuradha Ghandy. This immense communist and proletarian revolutionary was one of the main leaders of women’s struggle for their emancipation in the Indian State. She passed away as a martyr, dying of a serious illness while she was serving the people, the women and their revolution. Her writings and actions incarnate the synthesis and essence of what proletarian feminism means.

We also answer the call of the International Committee to Support the Peopleʹs War in India for the “Spring Thunder Tour”, a set of manifestations of internationalist, anti-imperialist and revolutionary solidarity with the People’s War in India.

Long live the struggle of proletarian women for their liberation! Honor to Comrade Anuradha Ghandy! Onwards in the development of a proletarian feminist movement in the world!

Send us your initiatives (photos, texts, videos) to this adress: campagneanughandy@protonmail.com

Source: https://anuradhaghandy.wordpress.com/2018/04/09/call-for-a-campaign-of-actions-for-proletarian-feminism-from-the-12th-of-april-onwards-anuradha-ghandy-campaign/

Maoist raises slogans supporting farmers

COIMBATORE: Roopesh, a Maoist cadre, on Thursday, raised slogans in support of farmers, while being taken to a session court here.
Roopesh, who along with his wife Shyna, and three others were arrested in Karumathampatti on the outskirts in 2015, with regard to various activities and cases including sedition were registered against them and lodged in the central jail here.
However, Roopesh was taken and lodged in a jail in Thrissur in Kerala in connection with a few cases in that State. As Roopesh was brought to the court amid tight security, he raised slogans such as “Maoists are patriots. victory to farmers agitation”.
Other four accused – Shyna, Anoop Veeramani and Kannan – were heard through video conference by the Judge, Christopher, who posted the case for April 17. Meanwhile, about 100 advocates belonging to DMK formed a human chain near the court complex here condemning the delay in formation of Cauvery Management Board.

Varavara Rao Speaks Out: Expand The People’s War To Fight Brahmanical Hindu Fascism And Advance The New Democratic Revolution

The killings of Mohammad Akhlaq, Prof. M M Kalburgi and Yakub Memon have come to symbolize in many ways the prevailing situation in the country under Modi-led BJP-rule. Akhlaq was bludgeoned to death at his Dadri home in September by a lynch mob that was instigated, mobilized and led by a bunch of Sanghi goons after maliciously spreading the rumour of beef-eating.

Prof. Kulbargi was shot dead by unidentified Hindutva-fascist assassins because of his consistent and irrepressible opposition to their designs in Karnataka. Memon was hanged this July in Nagpur jail after his conviction in the 1993 Mumbai blasts in a travesty of justice.
For the self-appointed gendarmes of the ‘Hindu Rashtra’, to eat something of one’s choice is anti-national, to voice dissent is anti-national, to be even the brother of a Muslim who is accused of so-called anti-national activities is anti-national – ‘crimes’ that are punishable by death according to the Manuvadi Hindutva-fascists.
Whether the execution is actually carried out judicially by the state or by any of the numerous murderous gangs raised by the hydra-headed RSS – it makes little different to the person at the receiving end.
These killings (and of Govind Phansade and Narendra Dabholkar earlier) are but a few of the more talked-about incidents in what has become an incessant barrage of attacks carried out in many forms by the Hindutva-fascists across the country.
Particularly since the BJP government came to power, such attacks are taking place almost on a daily basis. Though termed by some as ‘intolerance’, this is part of an all-round attack by the Brahmanical Hindu fascist forces against the people and affecting all spheres of their lives.
These attacks are simultaneously ideological, political, social, religious, ethnic, economic, cultural, juridical and environmental – carried out with violent and non-violent, legal and illegal, constitutional and extra-constitutional means.
On their target are all kinds of dissent and non submissiveness, particularly the fighting organizations and individuals – revolutionary, democratic, secular and patriotic – as well as Muslims and Christians, Dalits and Adivasis, women and people of other oppressed genders, oppressed nationalities and even sections of the parliamentary opposition.
In fact, anyone who refuses to fall in line with their Hindutva agenda or opposes their fascist diktats is a potential target. Indeed, at a time like this when the assault of he Hindutva-fascists is becoming increasingly conspicuous in all spheres of the society and the state, one cannot be faulted for wondering if a vast section of our people are already made to live in the shadows of a veritable ‘Hindu Rashtra’.
Hindu-fascism, even with its specificities, shares many characteristics of the fascisms that emerged in the capitalist countries during the economic, social and political crises period of the the1930s, the Great Depression and the interval between the two inter imperialist World Wars.
Like Italian fascism and German Nazism, Hindutva too is a phenomenon of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, emerging along right-wing or fascist parties, institutions, armed detachments and gangs in the capitalist imperialist countries with or without a parliamentary democratic cover. Fascism raised its head when at its highest stage, capitalism had entered a period of general crisis and socialism emerged as a real alternative before the world people with the victory of Bolshevik Revolution.
The role of Italian, German, Japanese and other fascist movements of that time was to address this existential threat faced by the imperialist ruling classes of their respective countries.
It was the political offensive of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat to come out of its severe economic and political crises. They pursued a domestic policy of open terrorist rule and a foreign policy of aggression and wars.
Domestically, the main enemy of the fascists was the organizations and movements of workers and toiling masses, revolutionary proletarian parties and organizations along with other democratic classes and national minorities, migrants, while internationally, its prime target was the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union along with the national liberation movements of the colonies and semi-colonies.
They waged counter-revolutionary wars against communist and democratic forces all over the world until revolutionary and national liberation wars finally consigned them to their graves.
But Hindutva – the ‘Made in India’ variety of fascism – not only escaped the fate of its European and Japanese contemporaries but has in fact thrived during the last hundred years of its existence. Hindutva fuses elements of India’s caste-feudalism (such as its reactionary Brahmanical ideology and deep-rooted notion of inborn superiority, etc.) with those modern bourgeois concepts (like the nation, Aryan Race theory of colonial-Orientalist scholars and their communal formulation of Indian history, and so on) that suit the interests of the Indian comprador ruling classes and the obsolete social institutions and forces.
It falsifies history to invent a glorious past of the ‘Hindu nation’, unmindful of the fact that neither a religious community called the ‘Hindu’ nor a nation called the ‘Indian’ existed prior to British conquest of the subcontinent.
The brainchild of the early Hindutva proponents is the neo-Brahmanical reactionary utopia of the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ (nation), which the Hindutva fascists project back as the country’s ‘glorious’ past and hold up as the ideal for the country’s glorious future.
They seek to impose this fascist ideology on both Hindus and non-Hindus and all social communities, sections and classes who do not agree with their communal conception of society and history.
While Muslims and Christians are seen as aliens to be either assimilated, kept in line or suppressed, the Sikhs, Buddhists, Dalits and Adivasis are considered to be already Hindus and are included in the ‘Hindu nation’ against their will.
The hierarchical, hegemonic and chauvinist Hindutva ideology, culture and values are imposed on all of them by suppressing, controlling or co-opting their diverse cultures, languages, beliefs and customs.
This fascist ideology of Hindutva is also reflected in the organizational structure of Hindu-fascist organization. RSS, Hindu Mahasabha etc. that were established in the early 1920s are highly authoritarian and allows no disagreement with the leaders.
The command of the Sarsanghchalak is the last word in RSS and is accepted without question. From its inception, Hindutva forces received support and patronage of the big landlords and the comprador big bourgeoisie as its reactionary ideology and authoritarian organizational structure was a useful tool for their economic and political interests.
They were also subservient to the British colonial rulers, calling upon the people to struggle for ‘national regeneration’ at a time when all the anti-colonial, democratic and patriotic forces were engaged in the independence struggle (Savarkar glorified colonialism by writing that “the glory of the British empire is great” (V D Savarkar, Hindutva, p.85, 166); Golwalkar expressed his disdain for national independence by terming it as “that haphazard bundle of political rights” (M S Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined, p.7).
True to their comprador character, Hindutva fascists continue to commemorate collaborators and traitors as heroes like Savarkar while denouncing genuine nationalists and patriots like Tipu Sultan.
Hindutva-fascist forces stand for conciliation of antagonistic classes to prevent the development of class consciousness among the toilers and an intensification of the organized class struggle.
For instance, RSS had written to PM Nehru way back in 1948, “Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s is the only way to meet the challenge of communism and its is the only ideology which can harmonize and integrate the interests of different groups and classes and thus successfully avoid any class-war” (Letter by RSS office-bearers to PM Nehru, published in Organizer, 23 October 1948). They make use of the traditional adaptability of Hinduism to social change by preserving, protecting and strengthening all its reactionary aspects in the service of the ruling classes – be it the colonial rulers or the Indian ruling elite subservient to imperialism which took their place.
They bolster the joint dictatorship of the big landlords big comprador capitalists by suppressing the democratic classes, whipping up communal and national chauvinism, persecuting religious minorities and oppressing minority nationalities, Dalits, Adivasis and women.
Ideologically, the metaphysical, idealist and subjective Hindutva world-outlook is a die-hard opponent of all forms of scientific, materialist, rational, objective and dialectical approach to understand and change the world – most of all the Marxist approach of scientific socialism and dialectical and historical materialism.
Ideological-political indoctrination, social demagogy, national and religious chauvinism, Goebbelsian propaganda, co=option and buying-out – i.e., all means fair and foul are part of their arsenal to win over one section of the broad masses and to terrorize others.
They fully utilize the gullibility, backwardness, ignorance and contradictions among the broad masses as well as the reactionary aspects in people’s culture and social values rooted in the country’s semi-colonial semi-feudal system.
They constantly engage in lies, deception, hypocrisy and subterfuge to manipulate public opinion and to hoodwink, mislead and divide the masses – often doing the opposite of what they say and saying in  complete contrast to what they do.
They use the products of modern science and technology to enslave the masses and achieve their reactionary social, economic, political and cultural goals.
Hindutva-fascism has adapted itself to the changing conditions and utilized all available forms to spread its most deceitful, deceptive and bloody tentacles. Contrary to its ideology and stated goals, it pledged itself to non-violent means, declared adherence to the Indian Constitution and presented itself as a mere cultural organisation (as did RSS after Gandhi’s assassination to get its ban revoked) – but it does not conform to them in practice.
Like its Nazi counterpart, it has utilized India’s parliamentary system to come to power in pursuit of its objectives.
From the formation of Bharatiya Jana Sangh in 1951 to the formation of first BJP government at the centre in 1997, Hindutva-fascism had gained ground in large parts of the country by working under cover of parliamentary politics. But as Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, Rath Yatra, demolition of Babri Masjid, the subsequent bloodbath of Muslims in many parts of the country, Gujarat pogrom and innumerable other large and small heinous acts show, they have used extra-parliamentary and violent terrorist methods for parliamentary ends.
They have achieved some significant success in their tactics largely because its parliamentary opposition – whether the Congress, revisionist CPI-CPI(M) or various regional parties – has proved ineffective in stopping the onward march of Hindutva-fascism.
In fact, these ruling-class parties themselves have many overt or covert Hindutva adherents within them and helped in the growth of Hindutva-fascism with their class collaboration and opportunist politics. Since the parliamentary elections of 2014, BJP has emerged as the largest, most powerful and most preferred all-India party of the big comprador bureaucratic capitalists and landlords subservient to imperialists by displacing the Congress from this position.
Like all fascisms of the past, the present growth of Hindutva-fascism has taken place amidst an acute crisis of the world capitalist system beginning in 2008 which has not shown any serious sign of recovery. Fascist trends of various hues are on the rise once again all over the world.
In India too, the old method of rule by the Congress-led UPA became inadequate for the Indian ruling classes in the present condition of crisis. Modi-led BJP was therefore catapulted to power in the last elections to carry out the agenda of neo-liberal ‘reforms’ more aggressively and ruthlessly – by fascist means if need be.
The BJP with its neo-fascist Hindutva ideology and a wide network of fascist organisations working in almost all fields and regions and among all social sections, was best suited for the job.
The ‘slow’ pace of the IMF-World Bank  neo-liberal reforms and or hold-ups in opening all sectors of the economy for foreign and Indian big capital has led the BJP and its NDA allies to steamroll a plethora of policy changes through parliamentary and extra-parliamentary means.
Displaying naked majoritarianism based on its absolute majority in the Lok Sabha, Modi-led BJP government is imposing these policies with the fascist argument that they have got the popular mandate to implement whatever programme and policy they like.
It is worth noting that the Fascists in Italy and the Nazis in Germany too had won majority seats in the parliamentary elections and used this brute majority to impose their policies. As the country’s economy sinks deeper into the abyss of recession and crisis, Hindutva-fascists led by Modi are taking desperate measures to satisfy their masters – the imperialists.
On the one hand, the big capitalists big and landlords are showered with enormous financial windfall through introduction of new pro-corporate laws and changes in the existing laws, tax cuts and tax holidays, loan waivers and debt restructuring, disinvestment, handing over government property at dirt-cheap rates and through numerous such legal and illegal means.
A number of existing laws related to the well-being and welfare of the people such as labour laws, laws entitling peasants to subsidy and compensation, pension, retirement-benefit and insurance regulations for the salaried classes, laws related to social security, health and education, etc. are being changed by the government by terming them as old and obsolete, while the age-old colonial laws used for suppressing the people are not only being retained but are bolstered with newer amendments.
Schemes like ‘skill development’ are introduced to prepare a few million unemployed as cheap semi skilled labour to meet the needs of the global capitalist economy and the Indian big capitalists.
The drama of debate is acted-out in the pigsty of parliament by the ruling parties and the opposition alike, but all anti-people bills and policies are ultimately passed with mutual understanding.
On the other hand, government expenditure on agriculture and manufacturing, social welfare and subsidies, education and health, water and housing, etc., are drastically curtailed in the name of fiscal discipline and austerity.
Economic and political rights won by the people – be it workers, peasants, working women, employees, salaried people and others from the middle classes through long and bitter struggles – are taken away step by step to serve the interests of the imperialists and the Indian ruling classes.
It is introducing a plethora of new policies that are having a bearing upon all spheres – economy, education, health, environment, social welfare and so on. Foreign investment which only tightens the noose of imperialism is presented by Modi government as the panacea for all the economic problems besetting the country.
While mouthing pious discourses on ‘Environmental Justice’, the government is proceeding to remove even the remaining namesake restrictions on environmentally sensitive zones to invite foreign investment and maximize the exploitation of natural resources.
By issuing indiscriminate clearance to mining, dams, highways, ports, housing, industries and such other projects and almost all kinds of services in such ecologically fragile regions, it is giving an open  invitation for unprecedented ecological destruction and pollution, not to speak of large scale displacement of the people. Unable to address the basic problems of the masses or fulfill the grand pre-election promises, Modi and his ministers are resorting to gimmicks and ‘perception management’.
Following the model of the Nazi ace-propagandist Joseph Goebbels, Modi government is making extensive use of print, electronic and digital media to slyly manipulate public opinion, to delude the masses with lies and deception and to hard-sell the pro-imperialist and pro-Hindutva agenda it is trying to implement.
The media is being controlled in covert and overt ways to monopolize the means of disseminating information. Phrases like ‘development’, ‘empowerment’ of the poor and the Dalits, Adivasis, women or other ‘weaker sections’, ‘Sadbhavana- Shanti-Suraksha’, ‘nation building’, ‘national interest’ and such phrases are relentlessly bombarded in a Goebbelsian manner.
Sangh Parivar organisations too are using mass media to hide the real face of Hindutva fascism, to shape public opinion in favour of its agenda and to turn illusions into reality. Hypocrisy in words and in practice is a hallmark of the Hindutva-fascists.
Parallel to this process is the gradual fascization of the state. Be it the bureaucracy, judiciary, armed forces, jails or any other wing of the state – the BJP government is staffing their top rungs with Hindutva adherents wherever possible.
The military, paramilitary and police forces are being further fascized during their training and service by the Hindutva fascists by using state power.
They are being indoctrinated with pseudo-patriotism and favourite Hindutva themes like unity and integrity of the country, national interest, War on Terror, etc.
In this way they are being brought closer to the Hindutva camp and ideologically prepared to ruthlessly crush the people and all forms of democratic movements in the name of defending the country and the nation, religion and faith, civilization and culture, etc.
Keeping the mask of Narendra Modi in the forefront, Sangh Parivar is trying to expand its social base by introducing a few populist social welfare programmes like ‘Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao’, ‘Jan Dhan Yojana’, ‘Swacch Bharat Abhiyan’, etc.
Like all fascist forces of the past, the NDA government and the Sangh are taking up some of these populist measures only to facilitate the heightened exploitation and repression of the toiling masses and the oppressed social groups without stirring up widespread resistance.
A renewed attempt is being made at saffronisation of education through measures like rewriting of school textbooks, changes in the syllabus, imposition of Sanskrit, Yoga and Hindu rituals in schools, and similar other measures. Modi government has stepped up its interference in the internal affairs of the universities and all other autonomous institutions with the aim of imposing the fundamentalist Hindutva agenda.
This is in addition to the intensification of the previous government’s policy of promoting privatisation of education. It is aggressively eulogising RSS figures like Savarkar, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Deen Dayal Upadhyaya etc. and systematically naming public landmarks like roads, public institutions, welfare schemes, etc. in conformity to their ideology. Such measures are making the pro-rich, pro-Hindu, pro-‘upper’ caste, male-bias of the state even more pronounced.
Muslims and their organizations are being targeted by the state in the name of fighting ‘Islamic terror’, while discrimination against religious minorities is becoming more menacing. While a free hand is given by the state to the offenders of the saffron camp including murderers involved in massacre of Muslims, stringent punishment including life term and death sentence are being handed out to the accused Muslims.
A large number of them are kept in long-term detention without trial. Hindutva fascists are holding up religious minorities as the enemies in front of the people to divert their growing frustration and anger into harmless channels. Similarly, Dalits, Adivasis, women, oppressed nationalities, rationalists, atheists, democrats, communists or even the parliamentary opposition – anyone who are in opposition to them – are being targeted. Anyone standing for genuine democracy, independence, sovereignty and self-reliance or militantly raising the basic democratic demands of the people is subjected to brutal violence using the state or saffron terror.
Thousands of such attacks have been carried out in the last one and a half years of Modi rule, and the number is on the rise. The growing incidents of so called intolerance all over the country too are an integral part of the Hindutva-fascist design.
Internationally, BJP government and the Hindutva fascists are pursuing a ‘big power’/‘super-power’ status for India by more closely collaborating with US imperialism and clamouring for a greater role in international affairs.
In their attempt to transform the country into a strong regional outpost of the US and other imperialist powers, NDA and RSS is a policy of drummed-up big-power chauvinism and expansionism in south-Asia.
They are howling chauvinist barbs against Pakistan and China and are clamouring to expand the fight against ‘Islamic Terror’ by aligning more closely with US-Israeli foreign policy.
Guided by the hegemonic idea of the Hindu Rashtra and Akhand Bharat, they are more aggressively following the expansionist policies of the previous governments, interfering in the internal affairs of the neighbouring countries like Nepal in scant respect for their sovereignty, thereby attracting the wrath of their people.
The all-out Hindutva-fascist attack therefore is becoming unbearable not only for the broad masses of India but also for the people of our neighbouring countries.
In spite of the similarities, however, Hindutva fascism is no Nazism of Hitler’s Germany or fascism of Mussolini’s Italy. The material basis of Hindutva fascism lay in the country’s social conditions and backward production relations.
These production relations principally serve the interests of feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism which are strongly integrated with and depended on the imperialist monopoly capital and are subservient to it.
This results in the type of fascism peculiar to our country and any semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries – comprador-feudal fascism.
As a result, Hindutva-fascism is necessarily weaker and more unstable than its counterparts in capitalist countries. As Dimitrov pointed out, here there can be no question of seeing “the kind of fascism that we are accustomed to see in Germany, Italy and other capitalist countries” (Dimitrov, Seventh Congress of the Comintern, 1935).
Comprador-feudal fascism, by its very comprador nature, is unable to equal the fascism of imperialist countries.
In addition, the oppressive, discriminatory, hierarchical, unscientific, anti-people and reactionary Brahmanical ideology and the rotten Jati-Varna system associated with it has never gone unchallenged in the country.
It has faced unceasing ideological and political and other kinds of resistance including violent resistance from the oppressed and toiling masses from the time of its very inception. Whether Charvakas, Sankhyas and the Buddhists of the ancient times; Ravidas, Kabir and others of the middle ages or Jotiba Phule and Savitribai, Shahuji Maharaj, Dr. Ambedkar, Periyar and several others representing the Dalits, Adivasis, women and revolutionary-democratic forces of the modern period in their own ways took part in this unbroken history of resistance.
The people of the country, supported by the revolutionary and democratic people of the world, are now once again standing on the way of the neo-Brahmanical Hindutva-fascism.
It is not plausible, therefore, to establish the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ of their dreams which would require the transformation of the present semi fascist rule (with thinly-veiled fascist rule in some regions of the country such as parts of Dandakaranya, Bihar-Jharkhand, Jammu & Kashmir and the North East) to a complete and countrywide naked neo-fascist rule.
Indeed, the present unprecedented level of allround Hindutva-fascist attack is facing a broad resistance in the country. Protests against saffron terror and fascization of the state are going on, with more and more people coming out to join their voice.
The widespread indignation against the killing of Prof Kulbargi, Akhlaq and to a lesser extent the judicial murder of Yakub Memon carried forward this anti fascist movement.
Recently, hundreds of writers, artistes, academics, actors, journalists, film-makers and others from the literary, cultural and academic fields have returned government awards in an unparalleled protest against the attacks and growing threat of Hindutva-fascism.
Their opposition to the persecution of minorities, attack on the basic civil and democratic rights including freedom of expression and dissent and attempts to impose control and dictate have snowballed into a veritable avalanche of protest.
A large number of demonstrations, dharnas, meetings etc. are daily being organized across the country. The people of foreign countries too are expressing their condemnation of growing Hindutva-fascism in sharp contrast to the opportunistic whitewashing of the crimes of Modi and his cohorts by their governments.
The recent outburst of anger of the people fighting for Patidar reservation against hated state symbols like Police Stations has shown that even places like Gujarat which were once considered Hindutva strongholds are no longer safe due to the people’s growing frustration and anger. The people will surely make the Hindutva-fascists realize that they constitute only a small minority in the country representing the obsolete forces, the reactionary ruling classes and their henchmen.
The vast majority of the people of the country will neither subscribe to their reactionary ideology, nor will they take the forcible imposition of Hindu majoritarianism lying down. Sooner than later, BJP and the Sangh Parivar will realize that it is no fun to be the flunkeys of imperialism.
MIB unequivocally extends its revolutionary solidarity to all who are part of this common fight – revolutionary, democratic, patriotic and secular forces, workers and peasants, national and religious minorities, Dalits and Adivasis, urban poor and the urban middle class, national bourgeoisie, students, teachers and intellectuals, academics, historians, writers, artistes, actors, advocates, journalists, doctors, scientists, researchers, women, LGBT, differently-able, the old and the young and people from all walks of life who are standing up against Hindutva-fascist enslavement.
Taking inspiration from the experience of the international proletariat and the democratic forces in defeating fascism, we call upon all exploited and oppressed classes, communities, sections and groups to unite to become a mighty force against Brahmanical Hindu-fascism and to wage a protracted struggle to bury it once and for all.
With the understanding that fascism can be completely uprooted only in a revolutionary way and not by revisionist, reformist and parliamentary ways or through electoral ‘victories’ over the BJP, MIB appeals to you all to strengthen the ongoing armed agrarian revolutionary war led by the CPI(Maoist) to establish a genuinely democratic, independent, sovereign and self-reliant people’s republic which will be the real and final graveyard of Hindutva-fascism.

Dalit Anger Boils Over Across India

“Protests are against dilution of atrocities law by Supreme Court and government’s delay in responding”
Subodh Varma
April 4, 2018
Angry protests broke out across India on April 2, against a Supreme Court judgment that is seen as protecting those who commit atrocities against dalits. Crowds of protestors gathered in towns and cities of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha, Maharashtra and other places, stopping rail and road traffic, confronting police forces and often damaging vehicles and other property. Central and state govts., mostly of the BJP or its allies, were scrambling to respond to the grave situation even as the Central govt. filed an appeal against the judgment after nearly two weeks of delay.
At least four persons have been killed in these protests which are amongst the most widespread in recent years and represent an outburst of pent up anger and frustration among dalit communities at increasing incidents of violence against them. Reports suggest that hundreds were injured in clashes with police, or in some places, with upper caste organisations like the Karni Sena in Rajasthan.
Dalits have been experiencing a rising trend of violent attacks in the past few years. Between 2010 and 2016, registered cases of crimes against dalits had increased by 10%, while such cases against adivasis had increased by 6%.
While this was the state of crimes, the response of the judicial process was even more disappointing. Cases pending for trial increased from 78% in 2010 to 91% in 2016 for dalits while for adivasis the increase was from 83% to 90%. This shows that the course of getting justice was log jammed. Analysts point out that this happens because the investigative and judicial process are not interested – or perhaps opposed to – justice being delivered because of their caste biases.
The most damning evidence for betrayal of justice is this: between 2010 and 2016, conviction rates dropped sharply from 38% to 16% for crimes against dalits, and from 26% to 8% for crimes against adivasis.
Another provision of the law (section 14 of the Act) that has not been implemented is of setting up Special Courts in each district to deal with cases of atrocities. Out of over 600 districts in the country, just 194 courts have been set up in 14 states. According to the ministry of social justice, states without such courts include Bihar, UP, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Odisha, Tamil Nadu and Telangana. They account for about 80% of atrocities.
What sparked off today’s unprecedented demonstration of growing unrest and discontent was a Supreme Court judgment on 20 March this year in which a two-judge bench criticized the “abuse of law” under the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. The law was meant to prevent continuing atrocities and discrimination against dalits and adivasis by providing for arrest and punishment of those found indulging in such acts. The apex Court directed that public officials couldn’t be arrested under the Act till permission was given by appointing authority and also that private individuals could only be arrested after a Senior Superintendent of police allowed it. The Court also allowed anticipatory bail in these cases.
The BJP govt. at the Centre was seen as dilly-dallying in its response to the court’s order. Although nearly two weeks had passed but there was no reassurance that the govt. would appeal against the judgment. Only today, as violent protests broke out, did the law minister announce that an appeal had been filed in the Supreme Court asking to modify the earlier judgment.
Besides this immediate context, dalits have long nurtured a sense of deep grievance about the law never catching up with those that commit the most brutal atrocities on them. Some of the well-known caste massacres in Bihar where accused were let go by the Patna High Court include the Bathani Tola massacre (1996, 21 Dalits) in which all 23 Ranvir Sena accused convicted by the lower court were acquitted in 2012; the Lakshmanpur-Bathe massacre (1997, 58 Dalits), in which 26 Ranvir Sena men were let off in 2013; the Miyanpur massacre (2000, 32 people, including Dalits), in which nine of the 10 accused were acquitted 13 years later; and the Nagari Bazaar massacre (1998, 10 persons, mostly Dalits), in which 11 accused walked free in 2013. The case related to Khairlanji massacre of four dalits in 2006, which had led to widespread protests in Maharashtra has gone the same way with the eight accused getting a lower sentence from the Nagpur High Court after a fast track court had punished six of the accused with capital punishment.
So, even before the recent SC judgment, dalits were rightly angry with a judicial process that was seen as unsympathetic and often hostile to them. The judgment appeared to exhibit a further drift away, and an acceptance of demands of other castes (like Marathas in Maharashtra) who have explicitly demanded scrapping of the law. And, the BJP govt.’s rule in the past 4 years has seen a spate of barbaric attacks on dalits, often in the name of ‘cow protection’ with most accused still free.
Dalit anger visible in the bandh and protests is unlikely to be assuaged merely by the fire fighting being done by BJP now. Too much time has passed and too many attacks have taken place for dalits to forgive the Sangh Parivar.

Fight against Hindu Fascism – Arundhati Roy Arundhati Roy Speaks at Telengana Civil Liberties Conference



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Dalit Protests Paralyse India: Five Dead

“The shutdown has been called by Dalit groups against a Supreme Court order of March 20”
Counter Currents
April 2, 2018

 

Protests that swept north India have cost five lives today as Dalit groups tried to enforce an all-India shutdown over a Supreme Court order. In Madhya Pradesh, four people died during clashes and a man was killed in firing in Rajasthan’s Alwar. Violence was also reported from parts of Punjab, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh. Punjab came to a standstill as the government put the army on stand-by and transport off the roads.
The Supreme Court had on March 20 “diluted” the provisions of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, ruling that the government servants should not be arrested without prior sanction and private citizens, too, be arrested only after an inquiry under the law. The Centre has asked the Supreme Court to review the order.
In Madhya Pradesh, a student leader and four others died during clashes between the police and protesters. Six people were injured in the district and the army was called into Bhind to control the situation. In Gwalior, prohibitory orders banning large gatherings were imposed as protesters blocked railway tracks and set fire to vehicles.
Clashes and arson were reported from cities in Rajasthan, including Jaipur, Barmer and Alwar. In Jharkhand capital Ranchi, the police lathicharged protesters.
Train services were hit in parts of Bihar, Odisha, Punjab and Rajasthan as protesters blocked railway tracks. In some areas, highways were blocked too.
In Punjab, hundreds of protesters carrying swords, sticks, baseball bats and flags forced shops to shut in Jalandhar, Amritsar and Bathinda. Traffic in and around Chandigarh was hit as protesters blocked highways and arterial roads.
The Punjab government has taken extensive security measures that include shutting of schools and colleges, postponing Board exams and suspending mobile internet services till 11 pm. Banks and offices are shut and transport is off the roads. Security has been stepped up in towns like Jalandhar, Kapurthala, Nawanshahr and Hoshiarpur, which have the highest Dalit population.
In Bihar, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s party, a BJP ally, is supporting the strike. In state capital Patna, hundreds of Bhim Army workers took to the streets to enforce a shutdown. Protests were also held in various towns of Haryana and Bengal capital Kolkata.
In Uttar Pradesh, Meerut saw widespread arson and clashes between police and protesters.
The shutdown has been called by Dalit groups against a Supreme Court order of March 20. Maintaining that the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act law was being misused in certain cases, the Supreme Court changed two key provisions of the law, stopping the immediate arrest an accused and introducing a provision for bail. Dalit groups said the court could have come to a different conclusion had the Union government highlighted the high rate of atrocities on the community and the abysmally low rate of conviction. Most opposition parties, including the Congress, have sided with the Dalits.

A Plea for Life: Vasantha appeals for Prof. Saibaba’s transfer to Telangana jail

Written by Sushmita | Published on: March 24, 2018

The cage of lies, 
seditious clauses
and conspitorial confabulations
confine and keep me away
from your intimate and critical
engagement with knowledge
and warm affection for the liberty
of the trampled earth.

Prof. Saibaba’s poem in a letter to his students from Nagpur Central Prison, February 7, 2018

prof SaibabaImage: PTI

In a letter dated February 2, 2018, Vasantha Kumari, women’s rights activist and wife of Dr. G.N. Saibaba jailed in Nagpur Central prison for above 14 months, has requested the Governor of Maharashtra for the transfer of her husband, Prof. Saibaba from Nagpur to Cherlapalli Central Jail, Hyderabad, Telangana.

Vasantha has been working for women’s rights since 1992 and has been part of organisations such as Chaitanya Mahila Sangham in A.P. and Committee Against Violence on Women (CAVOW), Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) and Committee for Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP). She received three letters from Prof. Saibaba in January 2018 in which he sought emergency medical investigation and treatment of his 19 health problems, multiple stones in gallbladder and immediate surgery needed (to be advised by The Department of Gastroenterology, Government Medical College, and Hospital, Nagpur)

Saibaba’s flailing health condition 
In all these letters, while explaining his critical condition and deterioration of his health, he describes his suffering in past months without any medical care and treatment. Though he has been advised to go for an immediate surgery for removal of the gallbladder, which is causing frequent attacks on his pancreas and may cause fatal form of jaundice.

“It is impossible for me to survive here during the winter that starts from November.” He said before winters started. He lacked a blanket and sweater/jacket, was “shivering with continuous fever.”

However, even after repeatedly drawing attention to these grave health issues, including his heart problem, severe pain in the stomach, there seems to have been no attempts at addressing his situation.

Persisting health situation
Prof Saibaba suffers from a spinal disorder that has resulted in the rapid deterioration of his muscles and nerves, which means that he can’t walk or use his left arm. His rib cage is collapsing on his lungs. The fact of him being 90 percent disabled requires constant medical care to stop his condition from declining gradually.

Mishandling by Jail staff
Through these letters, Saibaba also reported that the jail staff were not adept at handling a disabled person. He narrowly escaped a fall from the wheel chair and the danger of breaking his polio affected bones. The jail staff is not trained at handling a severely disabled person.

Vasantha added, “My husband’s left-hand disfunctioning happened after a severe damage to muscles and nerves because of the mishandling at the time of incarceration. He has to suffer for the damage for the rest of his life. Without the presence of family members, it is difficult to him to move in a wheelchair.”

Vasantha requested to consider her earlier representation on the transfer of Saibaba, from Bagpur Central Prison to Cherlapalli Central Prison, Hyderabad so that his family members residing there could meet and extend moral support to him. Medical support can also be extended in a better manner as there are Government hospitals available with required facilities.

Concerns with the Gadhchiroli Sessions Court Judgement
The Gadhchiroli Sessions Court in Maharashtra, in its judgment of March 7, 2017, sentenced G N Saibaba, Prashant Rahi, Hem Mishra, Mahesh Tirki and Pandu Narote to life imprisonment while Vijay Tirki was sentenced to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment. However, activists and intellectuals across quarters have criticized the judgement for being flawed and for misusing the draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). It has been said that the judgment, apart from citing irrelevant documents, has ignored valid evidence and arguments presented by the defence, and accepted dubious versions of the same presented by the prosecution. Civil rights activists also believe that the judgment displays “extreme animus” especially directed towards Saibaba, going to the extent of describing him thus: “though G N Saibaba is 90% disabled, he is mentally alert.”

This seems to have arisen out of state’s vendetta against Professor Saibaba for the sympathy that was shown by the higher courts in granting him bail and also the widespread protests that followed his arrest in 2014. The sessions judge was insensitive enough to not even grant him basic facilities that were granted by earlier courts, such as medical assistance, attendants, diet, and so on, leaving him at the mercy of the prison authorities!

Fighting Corporates synonymous to Waging War?
Professor GN Saibaba is currently serving life in prison in Nagpur Central Jail for allegedly “waging war against the country and supporting the ideology of a banned organisation (CPI Maoist)”. However, the worldwide campaign that ensued in the aftermath of his arrest, has raised several serious concerns about such charges in the light of a draconian act UAPA. Whether Saibaba was waging a war against the state, or standing in between corporate greed and state support to the same, can be understood by this paragraph, which the judgment itself quotes, “the situation of Gadchiroli district from 1982 till today is in paralyzed condition and no industrial and other developments are taking place because of fear of naxal and their violent activities. Hence, in my opinion, the imprisonment for life is also not a sufficient punishment to the accused but the hands of the Court are closed with the mandate of Section 18 and 20 of UAPA and in my opinion it is a fit case to award sentence of imprisonment of life” (para 1013, pp 818–19)

Wrath of the State
GN Saibaba began his activism when he stood for reservations in the early 1990s, against those who were pushing to end reservations for lower-caste people in India. In that decade, he also campaigned against what he said were “encounter killings” of innocent people and Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh. Through his activism, Saibaba travelled all over the tribal belt in central India. He was teaching English in Delhi University and was well recognised for fine intellectualism and insights. He would get invited to several conferences and other universities.

In September 2009, the Indian government launched Operation Green Hunt, in the name of fighting the “biggest internal security threat” but in fact, to facilitate the mining giants which were showing interest in the area. “I gathered enough evidence that suggested the ruling class wanted access to their resources no matter what. So the Operation Green Hunt was launched to kill, maim and dislodge these people,” Saibaba had noted. At the height of the operation, between 2009 and 2012, Saibaba galvanised people through a group called Forum Against War on People. He organised a national campaign against the military operation that he said resulted in investors pulling out from the area. According to Saibaba, “the best way to stop me was to throw me in jail.”

International Covenants and Requisites for Justice
Though India is a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) and the UN Resolution 70/175 on Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules), all of which reaffirm the right to life with dignity of prisoners, Prof. Saibaba a person with a disability is being slowly pushed into death. The UNCRPD, which India also ratified, as well as the recently passed Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 (RPD Act), which was enacted to fulfil India’s obligation under the afore-mentioned convention, are wholly applicable to his case.

The Transfer of Prisoners Act, 1950, The Prisoners Act, 1900 and Article 226 of the Constitution of India for inter-state transfer and several Supreme Court Judgements on the convicts are entitled to transfer if sending and receiving states agree.

My pain, a voiceless song,

my being a nameless mote.
If only my pain could speak,
I’d know who I am.
And if myself could find its essence,
I’d unravel the mystery of this world.
If I could seize this hidden mystery,
my silence would find expression
(Faiz Ahmad Faiz)

Revolutionary praxis – britain – for spring thunder tour campaign – a message

Dear Comrades,

Do you intend that the Spring Thunder Tour should come to Britain.  If
so, Revolutionary Praxis is willing to help with practical
organisation.  Please let us know what plans you have.

Revolutionary greetings,

Harry Powell

on behalf of Revolutionary Praxis (Britain)

Books for International prolonged campaign – Spring Thunder Tour supporting people’s war in India

Hello Comrades,

I saw the announcing of the Spring Thunder Tour and I’m very excited to learn more about the actions and meetings schedualed for it. Please keep me informed!
From my side, I will be publishing 3 books on India during this season.
 
For April ==> MLM Basic Course (It will be a 5th printing of 100 copies!)
For May ==> Urban Perspective (our work in the urban areas) of CPI(maoist)
For June ==> Post-modernism Today of Comrade Siraj

I still got some of the MLM Basic Course in italian.
Red Salute!
Christophe Kistler.

Important CPI (Maoist) documents

"Against Proposed Aerial Attacks on Adivasi Areas"

Red Homage to CPI(Maoist) Central Committee member Comrade Sridhar Srinivasan!

“The closure of three thousand schools and ashrams by the CG government is a symbol of the economic and academic bankruptcy and its anti people character”

“In Support of the Australian Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle Against Adani”

“Rise Against the Proposed Salva Judum-2 with the name Vikas Sangharsh Samithi (Committee to Struggle for Development)! — An appeal to the people, democrats, progressive intellectuals, writers, teachers, lawyers, media personnel, human rights organizations, adivasi, non-adivasi social organizations, sarv samaj, sarv adivasi samaj”

“A Call to the People to Fight Back the New Form of Salva Judum and the Supportive Organization of Greenhunt, Salva Judum-2”

“Boycott the Visit of Modi, the Prime Servant of CBB and MNCs to Chhattisgarh”

“Against the Family Planning Murders of Women”

“Condemn the Limitation on Buying Paddy”, in support of the peasant’s struggle

“Against Harrakoder Fake Encounter"

MIB Interview with Comrade Ganapathy: “Building on the new, unique and unprecedented achievements of the last decade, Indian revolution will certainly overcome the difficult situation to win newer, larger and more glorious victories”

Unite, Fight Back and Defeat ‘OGH—Third Phase’ of the Fascist Modi Government

Fight Back [against] the Anti-Working Class Amendments to Labour Laws by the NDA Goverment! Vikas model of Modi is Vinash for the people of India and Vistar for the imperialists and compradors!

CC Collected Statements: Volume 1 (September 2004 - February 2007)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 2 (March 2007 - July 2010)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 3 (August 2010 - August 2014)

Collected Interviews — September 2004 - August 2014

Message to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with the People’s War in India

A Call to the People of India! Shatter the shackles of imperialism and feudalism, Destroy this rotten system! Build your future and that of the country with your own hands!

Statement in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Pamphlet in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Condemn the Invasion of Gaza and Massacre of Palestinians by Zionist Israel! Hail the Heroic National Liberation Struggle for Independent Palestine!

Pamphlet and in honor of Com. Barunda (Sushil Roy), put out by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Jan Sangram Issue4 July 2014 -Hindi

CC CPI(Maoist) Statement on the Lok Sabha Election Results

Jan Sangram 2014 March - Special Election Boycott Issue -Hindi

Jan Sangram, 2014 Pamphlet On International Day Of Support -Hindi

Tongpal Ambush is the Consequence of White Terrorism of the Indian State in the name of Operation Green Hunt — ‘War on the People

Merger Declaration of the CPI(Maoist) and CPI(M-L)Naxalbari

Boycott the sham parliament & assembly elections!

Comrade Abhay Interview on General Elections — 2014

Condolence Message of the CC, CPI(Maoist) on the Demise of Comrade S. A. Rauf

The message for the International Conference in Hamburg by the Secretary, CPI(Maoist)

The Call of the CC, CPI(Maoist) to celebrate the 9° anniversary of the Party

On the PLGA Attack of May 25

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