Visakhapatnam: CPI (Maoist) leader Ganesh asked on Monday how the government could control coronavirus with insufficient medical facilities and testing centers in the city. The leader of the banned outfit alleged that the Union government did not take adequate measures when news of the disease broke in China.
Ganesh further said that lakhs (hundreds of thousand) of people in the country don’t have soap and water.
He added that the government should provide the public with essential commodities and announce paid holidays for workers. He added that the state governments of AP and Odisha should work on war-footing to control the virus.
The Maoist leader demanded that governments implement pollution control measures.
from bourgeois press:
At least 17 police commandos killed after their patrol came under attack in a remote area of Sukma district.23 Mar 2020
Maoist rebels have killed 17 Indian security forces in an ambush in central state of Chhattisgarh, a police spokesman said, in the deadliest attacks in recent years.
More than 300 armed rebels took part in the attack on a police commando patrol in the jungles of Sukma district, police superintendent Shalab Sinha told AFP news agency.
Large numbers of reinforcements were sent to the district on Sunday.
“We have recovered 17 bodies and another 15 police are being treated for injuries,” he said.
“We believe the ambush was carried out by between 300 and 350 attackers.”
Other officials said four Maoists were killed in the battle on Saturday.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi condemned the attack. “My tributes to the security personnel martyred in the attack. Their valour will never be forgotten. Condolences to the bereaved families,” he posted on Twitter.
The toll was the worst for Indian security forces battling the left-wing rebels since April 2017 when 25 police commandos were killed in an attack in the same district.
Sixteen commandos were also killed in a bomb attack in the western state of Maharashtra before India’s election last year that was blamed on the Maoists.
The far-left rebels, also locally known as Naxals, have been fighting in eastern, central and southern forest areas since the 1960s, demanding more rights for the poor and for tribal groups.
Indigenous people who inhabit the mineral-rich regions, have been caught in the middle of a conflict that has pitted the Maoists against government forces. Thousands of people, mostly tribal people have been killed.
Security forces have been accused of committing rights abuses and extrajudicial killings of innocent indigenous people. Human rights activists and journalists have been dubbed “urban Naxals” and targeted for reporting the abuse and unlawful killings.
India’s Silent War
SOURCE: AL JAZEERA AND NEWS AGENCIES
Remembering all political prisoners who are incarcerated in midst of a pandemic, and their families – helpless, unable to meet, unable to keep safe – many of them senior citizens. Punished not for crimes, because they committed none, but for their political beliefs. On fake charges. Under draconian laws. Without trial for years. Arrested and rearrested. Arrested because some govt agency hacked someoneʹs account and planted a fake email. A professor with a 99% disability on a wheelchair. Arrested because a young girl said zindabad to all south asian nations. Arrested, because a doctor tried to save children dying of oxygen shortage. Arrested, because somebody had communist literature at home. Arrested, because a student gave a speech against the NRC-CAA. Arrested, because a lawyer was fighting cases for falsely accused workers, activists and adivasis. Arrested for having a Muslim name. Arrested for having a Kashmiri name. Arrested for having a Adivasi name. Arrested for not conforming to fascist diktat. Arrested for standing up to a rogue corporation or government. Arrested because the courts turned vindictive and denied legit bail.
Will they bang their utensils against the prison walls on Sunday? Do you know that is exactly how political prisoners protested in Indian history, several times?
Free them! Also give general amnesty to those held without trials. For the rest of the prisoners too, can you take full responsibility of life in your custody?
In a major shift in their outreach strategy, the Maoists in Chhattisgarh have decided to tap into burning national controversies such as Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), National Register of Citizens (NRC) and National Population Register (NPR), and treatment of minorities in general, as a new offensive to fight against the State.
Earlier, their approach was designed to appeal to the local population of Bastar with issues that affect tribal lives – ʹJal, Jungle, Zameenʹ (water, forest, land). The issues chiefly centered around alleged atrocities by the local police, ʹunwelcomeʹ development work, mining companies and road contractors among others.
In an official statement issued recently, the Left-Wing ultras have taken on the Hindutva agenda of the Indian Right and extended support to the minorities. This comes in the backdrop of sustained attack from the right-wing, who have been referring to intellectuals supporting the Left as ʹUrban Naxalsʹ.
In a statement issued on 7 March, the banned CPI (Maoist) made scathing attack on the Bharatiya Janata Party and its ideological fountainhead Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for allegedly pursuing ʹBrahminical Hindutvaʹ ideology in India to oppress and gag the voice of Dalits, Adivasis, minorities, farmers, women and progressive groups. It also attacked policies by the Narendra Modi government at the Centre.
ʹBy using CAA and NRC, the government has prepared a list of 19 lakh Indians and planning to declare them as non-citizens. A large number of poor people in Assam have been deported to detention centres as they failed to provide documents to prove their citizenship. By bringing in triple talaq bill, the Modi government pretended to be a benefactor for Muslim women, which is false,ʹ Sainath, secretary of Darbha Divisional Committee of the CPI (Maoist), Dandakaranya, claimed in the statement.
Why are Maoists targeting national issues?
It is probably an attempt by the Ultra-Left group to broaden their social base — beyond the tribal lands — and get into urban territories, and gain sympathy and tacit support of those who are either critics of the current government or have apparently suffered in some way due to the Centreʹs policies formulated under the Modi government.
As Mao Zedong, the founding father of the Peopleʹs Republic of China, said, while armed struggle and movement in rural areas would be the first priority, importance should be given to urban struggle. ʹThe final objective of revolution is the capture of the cities, the enemyʹs main bases and this objective cannot be achieved without adequate work in cities,ʹ said Mao in Selected Works of Mao Zedong.
Maoist document — The Strategy and Tactics in Indian Revolution — states, ʹApart from the working class and the urban poor, we also have to pay special attention to working women, students, youth, teachers and middle class intellectuals in other professions…and also activities of the city movement.ʹ
An official of the Anti-Naxal Operation wing in Chhattisgarh spoke to Firstpost on condition of anonymity. ʹAs Maoists aim at expanding their ideological base beyond Bastar and other forest territories, and also recruit cadre, which has declined over a decade, they are specifically using these burning national issues which have created controversy as a propaganda tool. This is also a way to garner indirect support for their cause (Naxalism) in Indian mainstream and reach out to their target groups.ʹ
Over the years, there has been a considerable decline in Maoist cadre, as getting recruits for ʹDalamsʹ (small units of armed Guerrilla force) from tribal areas has become increasingly difficult due to governmentʹs two-pronged action plan — increasing offensive by security forces and development works in Naxal-affected territories. Tribals are also realizing the hollowness of Maoist ideology and violence being perpetuated on them in the name of ʹpolice informersʹ. As a result, over a period there has been a rise in Naxals surrendering to the State compared to their recruitment.
ʹAnti-Naxal ops by State ʹfake with malafide intentionʹ
The propaganda machinery of CPI (Maoist) is not limited to attacking the BJP and the RSS or Centreʹs policies; it has dubbed anti-Naxal offensives of the government as ʹfake with malafide intentionʹ.
A series of offensives launched recently by security forces under ʹOperation Praharʹ to combat Naxalism in the core Maoist strongholds of Bastar has added a new dimension to the face-off between the State and the Naxals in Chhattisgarh. Operation Prahar is an anti-Naxal operation by a joint force comprising CRPFʹs CoBRA battalion, Chhattisgarh Policeʹs Special Task Force (STF) and District Reserve Guards (DRG).
Negating Stateʹs claim on the success of the operation in February, Maoists dubbed it as ʹfakeʹ and an ʹattempt by the state to suppress the revolutionary peopleʹs movement of the Naxalsʹ.
ʹSecurity forces have made false claims about the success of Operation Prahar against us. Through these operations, the government wants to construct a network of roads in Bastar, so that it can give access to corporate houses and contractors to loot iron ore and minerals, and destroy tribal culture. To fructify this objective, the government has been using security forces to kill innocent tribals through fake encounters by branding them as ʹMaoistsʹ,ʹ south sub-zonal bureau, Dandakaranya of CPI (Maoist) claimed in another statement accessed by Firstpost.
Maoists have always opposed road construction, as it gives security forces access to their hideouts lodged deep inside the forest.
The CPI (Maoist) claimed in the statement that its military wing — Peopleʹs Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) — killed eight jawans of security forces during the period of operation in Bastar, against one casualty on their part.
ʹContrary to their claim, we recovered three bodies of Maoists killed during the operation. We lost two jawans and not eight. Itʹs part of Maoist propaganda strategy. They attack the credibility of security forces in order to motivate their demoralized cadres. Particularly they do not admit major losses suffered by their PLGA formations, since these cadres are their core strength,ʹ P Sundarraj, inspector general (Bastar Division), Chhattisgarh Police told Firstpost.
What gives teeth to Maoist propaganda?
Failure on the part of the government to reach out to a large section of tribals with schemes meant for the target groups, alleged fake encounters and atrocities by security forces and incidents like Sarkeguda encounter have helped Maoists to strengthen their base and garner support from locals.
One may recall the judicial commission report on Sarkeguda encounter of 2012, in which 17 people including six minors were killed by security forces in Chhattisgarh. None of them were Maoists.
Many experts believe that there continues to be a trust deficit between a large section of the tribal population and the establishment. Despite development in Bastar, there are several grievances amongst villagers, especially in remote areas. They lack access to safe drinking water, medical facilities and basic education, which Naxals take advantage of.
ʹThere is a disconnect between the ongoing development and rehabilitation issues in the tribal belt of Bastar. Under the Forest Rights Act, a large number of tribals are unable to get their land deed (Patta). Tribals living in interior villages fail to get access to medical facilities and safe drinking water even today,ʹ remarked CPM state secretary Sanjay Parate.
Posing as comrades in arms, the Maoist statement has finally asked the ʹexploited and oppressed tribalsʹ to join hands with the Naxals under the ʹRed flagʹ, stating that the PLGA is determined to strike hard by attacking the ʹFascist forcesʹ (read government and security forces) riding on national issues.
(Source : https://www.firstpost.com/india/maoists-adopt-new-propaganda-strategy-amp-up-rhetoric-on-caa-nrc-npr-to-drive-new-offensive-against-state-8164071.html)
Keywords : maoists, modi
RAIPUR: It is believed around 40-50 per cent women in the outlawed CPI (Maoist) are engaged in fighting the unconventional war in the conflict zone of Bastar, south Chhattisgarh.
And for the first time, the Maoists have released a list of 22 women cadres killed in the exchange of fire with security forces during the past year on International Working Women’s Day.
According to guerrilla warfare experts, the Maoists intentionally selected this day to show the “contribution of their women cadres for the cause” that the rebels often cite as protracted “people’s war”.
“Perhaps on International Working Women’s Day, the rebels wish to project, as they think and claim, that their women are involved in fighting and dying for better India. Though, the women are misled to join the Maoist organization. After all, they are all Indian women and require psychological reconditioning to return to the mainstream. And Maoists citing them as martyrs for an incorrect cause”, said the Brigadier (retired) B K Ponwar, a jungle warfare expert.
The Bastar police that consistently reviews every move of the banned organization too called it as an attempt by Maoists to win over the hearts and minds of their female cadres.
“Yes, this is the first time the Maoists have released the names of their female fighters and referred them as martyrs in an attempt to recognize their misguided valor and sacrifice. There is a marked decrease in their recruitment drive. So such list is intended to motivate the women working in various positions in their organization and also to secure new members”, said Abhishek Pallava, Dantewada superintendent of police.
There are more women Maoists killed in the gun battle, as they fight from the front. Besides most of them do not flee when the security forces approach them in the inhospitable forested terrain.
Image Courtesy: indialegallive.comThe recently released India Justice Report, 2019 – a comprehensive analysis of individual Indian states and their performance on police, prisons, judiciary and legal aid ranked West Bengal 12th among the 18 large states surveyed and 4th for prisons, while finding it at the bottom half of the list in legal aid, judiciary and the police.The report uses government data to understand the budgets, infrastructure, human resources, workload, diversity and five year trends of police, prisons, judiciary and legal aid, reported The Telegraph India.Though it is commendable that West Bengal has ranked first in parameters pertaining to improvement in all categories, it is analysed in the report that West Bengal has a vacancy of nearly 50 percent in the judiciary and more than 25 percent posts waiting to be filled for the police staff. Also, the report says that the budgetary allocations for prisons and judiciary have not increased with the corresponding increases in the general state expenditure between 2012 and 2016. If this continues, the upward trend in improvement may witness a slowdown.With regards to policing, there was a 42 percent vacancy in the number of scheduled caste officers, 55 percent vacancy in scheduled tribe officers and a shocking 82 percent vacancy in Other Backward Classes (OBC) officers. Women accounted for less than 10 percent of the total staff strength and according to experts it would take the state 29 years to get to the number of having 33 percent of women in the workforce.The state also sees a vacancy of 75 percent and 85 percent among medical staff and medical officers placed in correctional homes respectively.With regards to judiciary, the increase in number of vacancies in the West Bengal High court and subordinate courts is a cause for worry. It is quite shocking that the state’s per capita spend in judiciary was the lowest in 2015 – 16, even though the population per high court judge was among the highest. However, a statistic that emerged as a silver lining that the Calcutta High Court was among a handful of courts with a case clearance rate of over 100 percent. Also, though 32.1 percent of the ongoing cases in subordinate courts have been pending for five years or more, case clearance rate there is over 90 percent.With regards to legal aid, the report said that 83 percent of the districts were within the coverage of the district legal services authorities (DLSAs). The DLSAs are the bodies entrusted with providing free legal aid in the districts. The report states that in Bengal, paralegal volunteers who act as the bridge between the people and the legal aid system, are present in the strength of two for every one lakh persons. While Bengal does well on most parameters of this pillar, underutilization of funds from the National Legal Services Authority and the state’s share in legal aid spending seem to have kept it from climbing high in the rankings.In the same vein, Kerala which was rated best for its prisons and legal aid and fifth for judiciary, it was ranked fifth from the bottom for its police capacity. Till January 2017, only 6.3 percent of Kerala’s police personnel were women. At its current rate of growth, it would take Kerala 30 years to reach the recommended 33% figure of women in the police force.However, contrary to the claims of the Uttar Pradesh and Bihar governments, the two states have ranked at the bottom at almost every parameter. UP received a score of 2.98 on policing, while Bihar received a score of 3.77 for the same.With regards to prisons, marked on various factors ranging from overcrowding to budgeting and infrastructure, Bihar stood at number 6 out of 18 states with a score of 5.61 while UP scored 4.42.On the parameters of judiciary – availability of judges, clearance of cases and the budget spend on judiciary, Bihar fared the worst with a score of 2.41 followed by UP which scored 3.7.Maharashtra fared the best on all parameters.However, the numbers that the report shows are far from ideal. They portray the government lackadaisical approach in tackling vacancies and not taking concrete steps to upgrade the outdated legal framework and infrastructure. It also highlights the stark need for gender sensitization to assure that the justice system reflects the diversity that is needed.It is also imperative that the judiciary itself take stock of pendency in appointments of judges instead of blaming the Centre for not giving attention to collegium recommendations. The Financial Express reported that the bigger problem was with the higher judiciary dragging its feet on appointments. Given it took the government 127 days to run background checks on judges, as the attorney general pointed out in the SC, it is hard to understand why it took the SC 119 days on average to decide on appointments after receiving the recommendations of the various High Court collegia forwarded by the law ministry. Shockingly, in the case of 199 vacancies out of 396 (as on February 1) in the High Courts, the High Court collegia hadn’t even forwarded names; in the case of some High Courts, recommendations had not been received for five years after the vacancies arose!The India Justice Report 2019 recommends that the states undertake a cost – benefit analysis that justifies the increasing human resources costs against the failure to address crime and judicial delay. It also recommended that the states pay attention to the recruitment of women, religious minorities and the marginalized communities and improve transparency in the justice system with periodic research and collection of data
Hindutva fascism is no more an imaginary political depiction of reactionary and right-wing Narendra Modi led BJP/RSS government in India.These reactionary forces are the original anti nationals of India. Any serious analysis of forward march of Hindutva fascism in India needs to understand Indian social and economic conditions where caste, tribe, gender and class interact within a Brahmanical order both in rural and urban areas. It is the life and blood of Hindutva fascism. The social fascism emanating from Brahminism within exploitative Hindu caste order continues to be the foundation of propertied class that controls the state and political apparatus of the government. In spite of exceptionally favourable political environments, the liberals and progressive forces have failed to shake the authoritarian social and religious structures that enables Hindutva fascism in India today. The electoral defeat of liberal and progressive forces is inextricably linked with electoral opportunism, revisionist ideological policies and their earlier political association with regional reactionaries. Soft Hindutva cannot replace Hindutva fascism. In such a context, defeatism is a product of ideological ambiguity and political compromises of forming opportunistic electoral alliances. The result is gloomy.
From Gujarat 2002 to Delhi 2020, India witnesses continuous deterioration of the constitutional,
secular, liberal values of a democratic state. The social, political and cultural normalisation of violence against Muslims and silence of the Supreme Court is unprecedented in independent India. The processes of law, order and justice were subverted to defend the organisers of pogrom as a patriotic act and depict the victims as anti-nationals.The mainstream media, judiciary, executive, police and other pillars of modern democracy are crumbling and working as the type writers of Hindutva fascist power.
The magnitude of capitalist crisis and electoral victory of Hindutva fascists in last two parliamentary elections in India is neither unique nor surprising. It is the repetition of history in the rise of fascism.The Hindutva fascist murders provide cultural logic to apartheid caste order and capitalist crisis.There is absolutely no surprise in the policies and actions of BJP led fascist RSS govt in India. They are following their playbook of anti-Muslim pogrom in letter and spirit. In the long run, it is not only a threat to Muslims but also a threat to lives and civil liberties of all Indians. The unity and integrity of India depends on how we build up a mass movement in defence of Muslims and against the hate factory of RSS/BJP. The sporadic movements and opposition to Hindutva fascism in India are not enough.The task is to overcome this defeatism by reclaiming radical promises of Indian constitution based on universal citizenship and democratic rights of Muslims in India.
Indian resistance against Hindutva fascism led by students and women that threatens the very foundation of old and new political cretins who consider themselves as aficionados of electoral democracy and parliament. But people are spontaneously forming their own resistance movements in different parts of Indiaagainst Hindutva fascism. It is important to bring them together as a mass movement with alternative politics of hope, peace and justice. It is only possible by forming united front of Dalits, students, youths, women, Muslims, minorities, workers and all other progressive forces in the society. The priority of such a united front is to stand unconditionally in defence of Muslims.
The Hindutva fascists deceptive narrative of nationalism needs to be exposed. History is the witness to Hindutva betrayal of Indian independence struggles. It is important to highlight the sacrifice and significant role of Muslims in anti-colonial struggle and in shaping the secular character of postcolonial India. These ideological praxis needs to be the foundational principles of India’s resistance to Hindutva fascism.The broken republic of India needs such a resistance project which can help to nourish the social harmony and economic stability.
Dr Bhabani Shankar Nayak is a political economist; working as Senior Lecturer in Business Strategy, Coventry University, UK.
On March 7, three years in the custody of professor GN Saibaba, Galiza with GN Saibaba, begins a protracted campaign of agitation and propaganda, with posters, postcards sent to the teacher in jail, and signature collection. From the Galician Committee to Support the People’s War in India, we call for active participation in this campaign.
Free G.N. Saibaba!
Address professor GN Saibaba:
Nagpur Central Jail
Wardha rd, Ajni Chowk, Dhantoli,
Nagpur, Maharashtra 440012