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Three proposals have been launched…..1 – a new International Day for the freedom of GN Saibaba and Maoist political prisoners and all political prisoners at international level.

THE DATE WILL BE SET ACCORDING TO THE DEVELOPMENTS OF THE TRIAL AGAINST GN SAIBABA;

prisoners1

ICSPWI – THREE PROPOSALS HAVE BEEN LAUNCHED…..

Meeting Italy 3 september
……., the committees have reiterated that the mass work to deepen the support to the people’s war in India among the proletarian and people’s ranks is the central axis of the current and future work of the ICSPWI.
 three proposals have been launched and are being planned:
1– a new International Day for the freedom of GN Saibaba and Maoist political prisoners and all political prisoners at international level. The date will be set according to the developments of the trial against GN Saibaba;
2– The union and the women’s organizations participating proposed and emphasized the liaison between the general campaign and the call to the working class contained in the document of the CC, CPI (Maoist) against the life-sentences on Maruti/Suzuki workers, and for a mobilization of the proletarian, revolutionary, feminists women against the rapes on the fighters, prisoners and masses women by the army, police, paramilitaries, Hindu fascists, covered by the Modi government;
  • The main proposal is the launch of a big Spring Thunder March, for the spring of 2018, that will reach many countries in Europe, North America, South America, Arab World and Asia.
ICSPWI
september 2017

for the freedom of comrade Saibaba and all political prisoners in India – ICSPWI launches a new international day of actions

the date will be comunicated in the next days after international consultation

Un artigo do profesor G.N. Saibaba, de outubro do 2016.

A Boy’s Awakening / O despertar dun neno

Even acute disability isn’t a barrier to a thirst for knowledge
A Boy’s Awakening
Illustration by Saahil

Forty years ago, I was growing up as a disabled child, draped in the folds of stark poverty. I now wonder how I confronted the world. There was no awareness in society or in me that a 90 per cent disabled child needs special amenities to realise his abilities. My parents were more worried about how I would confront the world rather than about my education. My mother would carry me in her arms to a film or a traditional theatre performance outside our village. My father would take me on his bicycle to show me a river, or the Bay of Bengal, where the Godavari voided. But after the family shifted to Amalapuram town, my mother wouldn’t move out. I missed my classes at the Shiva temple, and missed my friends grazing their cattle on the banks of the pond, where I would sit for hours.
Soon, I found that there was a municipal primary school near our rented house. One day, I crept on my hands surreptitio­usly to the school. I found that there were huge steps after the gate; beyond that was a big room where a person sat in a chair by a desk with a stick in his hand. It was impossible for me to climb up the steps. I sat for two or three hours below the steps.

No one noticed me or asked any questions. Then I slowly returned home. By then, my mother had looked for me everywhere and was furious. That was the first time I left home on my own. From then on, every morning before the prayers would end and classes would begin, I used to go to the school and wait at the steps. Eventually, the teachers talked to me. The headmaster roared at me: “This is not the time for admission; come back in June next year”. At a loss for words, I slowly crawled out.
I didn’t tell my mother what happened. Next morning I went back. The gate wasn’t open. After some time a teacher came and opened it. He was in a white dhoti and yellow shirt. He saw me squatting before the gate on the road. He smiled, and I smiled back. He asked me about my family, where I came from. I pleaded to be allowed to sit on the steps inside and watch students learn. He said that wasn’t possible, the headmaster wouldn’t allow it. I was silent, but followed him inside. The headmaster arrived and, ignoring me, rushed inside.
From then on, each morrning I would slowly climb the steps before the headmaster came and would sit on the windowsill, from where I’d closely follow classes of the third and fourth standards that took place in one room. To my surprise, no one objected, but at times the students would giggle at me. The teacher, Ganapathy master, one day  asked me questions. I understood everything he taught. He would shout down the children whenever they would look at me and giggle.
After several months, the headmaster called me in. I sat beside his chair on the floor. He said I could come and sit in the second standard class every day. The school inspector was supposed to visit that week and must not see me squatting outside. Unlike the first time, he was polite. I was overjoyed.
I wanted to rush back to my mother to inform her that I could go sit inside the school, but the headmaster sternly told me to remain in class and pay attention.
The inspector asked me several questions from second standard textbooks. I answered promptly and correctly. I could see that he appreciated my effort. He talked in a low voice to the headmaster. Next day, the headmaster told me that I was to take a test in all subjects of the third standard. I passed the test without any preparation. I was promoted to the fourth standard straightaway in the middle of the academic year. Next year, I would be in fifth standard.
Everyone told me how education was the only path tow­ards my salvation. Back in my village, those gentlemen who used to identify me as the ‘cripple’, instead of by my name, were sudden converts to this benevolent point of view, particularly after I got admission to St. John’s High School after my fifth standard. St. John’s changed my life beyond recognition.


(G.N. Saibaba, a professor of Delhi University, is accused of being a Maoist activist.)

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Maoist poster surface in Balangir village

 

Balangir: After a few days lull, Mao posters and banners have surfaced again at the Udiapalli village under Khaprakhol police limits in the district this morning.

The posters and banners released in the name of Bolangir-Bargarh-Mahasamund (BBM) divisional committee of outlawed CPI (Maoists) group slammed the Bargarh Salepali village encounter of September 26.
Demanding justice for the two Maoists including a woman who were killed in the firing, the red rebels claimed that policemen carried out inhumane torture on them before the encounter through the poster.

Successful bandh in Odisha

 

According to reports from Indian news agencies, the bandh, (general strike and movilization) convened by the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) paralyzed five districts of Odisha State.
The bandh was convened to demand the immediate arrest of the accused for gang rape of a minor girl in Kunduli, control of violence against tribal women and a solution to the Mahanadi area. The movement of vehicles was affected in the five districts due to the bandh, according to the reports.
It was also reported that alleged cadres of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) executed a counterrevolutionary, identified as Mohan Majhi, from the Lahidi village located on the border between districts of Kandhamal and Kalahandi on 21 October, reports Odisha TV.
In another action in Chhattisgarh a PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army) column, on October 20, destroyed railway equipment and construction machinery near the Kamaloor train station, Datewada.

Free Comrade Mahesh !

Editorial of the new theoretical PCI (m) magazine “The Communist”

People’s War’ is the  theoretical organ of the Communist party of India, Central Committee. Now we have its new issue, March 2017. It is publicly available also in the internet. It is a special issue on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the initiation of The Great Culture Revolution in China. Every document has its own significance, but  the documents ‘ The Importance of GPCR, Successes-Lessons’, by CC, CPI(Maoist), February 2017′ ‘CPC Circular on GPCR, 16 May 19662, ‘The Great Cultural Revolution will Shine Forever’ Editorial Departments of Renmin Ribao, Peking Review, are the articles of great significance.

Here we are publishing the topics ‘Editorial’. And we will also publish translated version of the documents in our Nepalese vernacular websitejanamel.com.

Editorial

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of socialist China (1966-76) was an earth-shaking event of world-historic importance. It was the result of the summing up of all the positive and negative experiences of the world working class movement for establishing socialism and communism. Under the leadership of Mao, it developed the revolutionary theory and practice of the international proletariat to a new and higher level. It was a unique and unprecedented revolution led by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie under the conditions of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. It  was a revolution to bring the superstructure in conformity with the socialist economic base. It was a revolution of the period of transition from capitalism to communism through the intermediate stage of socialism by defeating the attempts of domestic and foreign revisionists and reactionaries to restore capitalism. It was a revolution by millions upon millions of people who rose up like stormy waves to smash the enemy strongholds. In the process, they also transformed their own world outlook, which was essential for carrying forward the socialist revolution. It was a revolution to continue the revolution to till its final victory – the establishment of communism by carrying the socialist revolution through to the end

.

GPCR was the result of the further development of the Marxist theoretical concept of continuous revolution. Led by Mao, new theoretical principles related to class struggle under socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat were developed which were necessary to guarantee the victory of socialism. Not only that, these theories were tested and proven in the crucible of practice during the GPCR. This was a unique, new and higher level experience for the world proletariat and the international communist movement.

Apart from changing the entire Chinese society, the GPCR also had a worldwide impact. It was a catalyst for a new wave of communist and national liberation movements across the world. It provided the impetus for a decisive ideological and political break with revisionism. It provided the backdrop of the beginning of a new type of working class movements in the capitalist countries and protracted people’s wars in several oppressed countries including India which upheld Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as their guiding ideology.

In the communist movement of our country, an ideological struggle was already going on under the leadership of revolutionary forerunners like comrades CM and KC. This ideological struggle led to the historic Naxalbari armed agrarian revolutionary upsurge of 1967. Thus, it was in the international backdrop of the GPCR that the people’s war was initiated in India under the leadership of comrades CM and KC. This glorious people’s war has continued on a tortuous path for the last five decades and is going to complete its fiftieth anniversary.

The class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat has been continuing since the GPCR came to an end four decades back. Many of the genuine revolutionary communist parties that were built or reorganized during the GPCR are still in existence and are leading the class struggle in several countries. Wherever the leadership of these parties have been able to creatively apply the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism – particularly the lessons of GPCR – they could sustain or strengthen the parties even amidst victories and defeats, ups and downs and twists and turns of the revolutionary movement. Wherever the leadership could not do this, the parties disintegrated and the movement was lost.

By creatively applying MLM in the concrete conditions of a country, by bringing the vast masses of the people into the arena of class struggle under its guidance and by fighting with tremendous courage and sacrifice, a strong party can be built where there is no such party, a strong army can be built where there is no such army and political power can be seized where there is no political power. Our task ahead is to firmly grasp MLM and the spirit of GPCR in order to achieve our immediate and ultimate goals. It is only in this way that the working-class can meet the challenge of effectively fighting and finally burying imperialism, which, though in its deathbed, will not leave the stage of history on its own.

All our comrades should deeply study the experiences of GPCR to grasp its tremendous significance, learn from its wide-ranging lessons and apply them creatively in their revolutionary practice. With the hope that it may be of help in this endeavour, we are bringing out this issue of People’ War as a special issue on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the initiation of GPCR and as a part of the anniversary celebrations by our Party. This issue includes two articles written on this occasion and a selection of two historic documents, excerpts and quotations on the GPCR. Our Central Committee is also releasing a separate commemorative volume The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution will Shine For Ever which is a compilation of several historic documents, articles, excerpts and quotations.

ICSPWI – three proposals have been launched…..

Meeting Italy 3 september
……., the committees have reiterated that the mass work to deepen the support to the people’s war in India among the proletarian and people’s ranks is the central axis of the current and future work of the ICSPWI.
 three proposals have been launched and are being planned:
– a new International Day for the freedom of GN Saibaba and Maoist political prisoners and all political prisoners at international level. The date will be set according to the developments of the trial against GN Saibaba;
– The union and the women’s organizations participating proposed and emphasized the liaison between the general campaign and the call to the working class contained in the document of the CC, CPI (Maoist) against the life-sentences on Maruti/Suzuki workers, and for a mobilization of the proletarian, revolutionary, feminists women against the rapes on the fighters, prisoners and masses women by the army, police, paramilitaries, Hindu fascists, covered by the Modi government;
  • The main proposal is the launch of a big Spring Thunder March, for the spring of 2018, that will reach many countries in Europe, North America, South America, Arab World and Asia.
ICSPWI
september 2017

State wide protests against the illegal arrests of student leaders

Tvv Mahesh.

Interview with “India Vermella” / Entrevista a India Vermella. (Galiza)

From Oscar-elbloquedeleste:

  1. What is “India Vermella”?
    India Vermella is the information space of the Galician Committee of Support to Popular War in India. From the same we try to reach our readers the reality of the revolutionary struggle that heads the PCI (Maoist).

    2. Why your solidarity with the Naxalite revolution?
    Well, the Revolution in India is a prominent part of the World Proletarian Revolution that has persisted in the path of prolonged People’s War drawn by Comrade Charu Mazundar applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This makes it, for the communists, an obligation to sustain and support their struggle.

 
“Spring thunder” as I call it “Radio Pekin” roared throughout the Indian subcontinent breaking with the revisionist talk of peaceful coexistence that the traitors advocated to Leninism. Naxalbari is the direct heir of the path laid out by the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution led by Chairman Mao. Today it remains a clear line that separates the real communists from the opportunists, however much they hide behind false red flags. In the Spanish State we have an example of the so-called Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain whose radical words can not hide their support for the reactionary government of Modi against the Maoists.

3. On the part of the Maoists, in the Mov. Communist international, is there solidarity with the Naxalites?
Yes, for many years. Indian communists have actively participated in international organizations such as the late Internationalist Revolutionary Movement (RIM/MRI), including the Indian Communist Party ML (Naxalbari), now part of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The latter participating Party is a founding member of the Coordinating Committee of Maoist organizations in South Asia.

4. What is your work in Galicia?

Well, it is fundamentally propaganda and supportive of the Revolution as well as the denunciation of the situation of political prisoners and prisoners of war in India, as is the case of Comrade Ajith, that of Comrade Kobad Gandhy or as the case of university professor GN Saibaba, that thanks to our work we have led to the European Parliament itself.

 


  1. Are you also in solidarity with the PCF and the revolution of the Philippines?

    Yes of course. The people’s war in the Philippines is also the result of the rupture with revisionism and its reformist policies outlined by the GRCP since 1966. Comrade Sison has persisted in this path, even facing the pressures of the imperialists and their lackeys as Duterte to end the people’s war.

 
The capitulatory line, driven by some in front organizations, has been swept away by the facts and by the determined support of the oppressed masses to the PC of the Philippines and to the New People’s Army.

6. Are you celebrating the 50th anniversary of the uprising in Naxalbari? How would you rate the theoretical and practical work of the Naxalites during these 50 years?
Well, as you can see, these 50 years are full of great teachings, successes and defeats, painful assassinations of leaders like Comrade Charu Mazumdar, Azad, Kishenyi or recently the murders of Comrade Shruthi and Comrade Manikanti. In these 50 years the enemy has often clucked victory, but all this has only reinforced the path of Naxalbari.
The party, the CPI, founded by Comrade Mazumdar, fell to the death of the latter in the hands of liquidators but its revolutionary line remained in others that gave rise to new organizations that held high the great red flag of Naxalbari. Organizations that gave rise to the current Communist Party of India (Maoist) under the right direction of Comrade Ghanapati.

Naxalbari which encompasses the disinherited and oppressed masses of the countryside and the city. We are talking about millions of men, women and children and of vast territories in a “red corridor” that does not stop growing, because the people’s war is the war of the masses, as President Mao pointed out, and the comrades of India have firmly grasped this beginning of the mass line in the war.

There are ample bases of support in which the masses are the ones that they command through the popular committees, organizing the production, the education, the sanity or the popular justice.

7. Have there been more “green hunt” in India?

In these 50 years repression has been a constant, both by rightist and left-wing revisionist regimes, such as the so-called (Marxist) Communist Party of India. Hundreds of siege and annihilation operations have tried unsuccessfully to extinguish the spark they set in a village of Dajerleen.

 
The genocidal Green Hunt operation is characterized by a genocidal systematic of the State of the Union to face “the greatest threat” to its democracy, the application of new technologies and that it tries to definitively take away the lands of the adivasis to give them to foreign companies, mainly mining.

8. Is the Naxalite revolution based solely on the peasantry or also about the workers?
India is a large sub-continent and its states and regions are diverse. Center of many contradictions. The main force of the popular masses in the New-Democracy revolution is the peasantry and the proletarian force and the revolutionary intellectuals, fused in a solid block, the Party.
Cities are usually centers of power of the old state as well as where they maintain hegemony over the oppressed masses. This does not prevent revolutionaries from being present in the workers ‘and students’ movement.

9. Who is Dr. SaiBaba?

Professor GN Saibaba is a well-known Maoist intellectual, who was arrested on false charges of belonging to the clandestine PCI (Maoist).

Its persecution by the old state has aroused multiple protests added to the fact of its condition of handicapped (is in a wheelchair) which violates the minima rights of the political prisoners.


  1. What is the current situation of the PCI (Maoist) and its guerrilla PLGA?

    The PCI (Maoist) has been strengthened and united around the long line of popular war, striking not only the repressive forces but also and main to the Brahmanic semi-feudal power.

Despite threats from right-wing group, lecture on Naxalbari uprising proceeds smoothly in Mumbai

On Friday, the Legal Rights Observatory had threatened to disrupt an annual lecture series in honour of a Communist leader.
A lecture to mark 50 years of the Naxalbari uprising was conducted smoothly in Mumbai on Friday evening despite threats by a right-wing organisation to disrupt the meeting.
Three days before the event, members of a right-wing group called the Legal Rights Observatory wrote a letter to the Mumbai police commissioner urging that the ninth Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Lecture be cancelled.
The public lecture series is conducted every year in honour of Anuradha Ghandy, one of the founders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninst). Ghandy died of cerebral malaria in 2008 while working with tribal women in Jharkhand. The event features various speakers – often intellectuals and activists from the Left – to speak on socially relevant issues.
This year, to mark the half-centenary of the revolutionary Naxalite movement, the lecture organisers invited revolutionary poet and writer Vara Vara Rao from Andhra Pradesh and veteran left-wing leader Tilak Dasgupta from West Bengal. It was held at the Mumbai Marathi Patrakar Sangh in downtown Mumbai.

Terror claims

In its complaint to the police commissioner and in a Whatsapp forward demanding action against the Mumbai Marathi Patrakar Sangh, the Legal Rights Observatory group claimed that the Patrakar Sangh was providing a venue for a “notorious anti-Indian terror group”.
“Officers from the police’s Anti-Terrorism Squad also landed up at the venue a couple of days before the lecture and asked for a cancellation of the event,” said Gurbir Singh, a member of the Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Committee.
When the Patrakar Sangh refused to cancel the booking of the event, the right-wing group threatened to disrupt the lecture. However, the lecture sessions on Friday eventually progressed without any interruptions, with over a 100 people in attendance.

Standing firm

The managing committee of the Patrakar Sangh said that it stood its ground after verifying that the Memorial Committee is officially registered as a trust with the Charity Commissioner. “The Home Ministry has a list of banned organisations that we cannot give out our venue to, but this Memorial Committee was not one of them,” said Narendra Wable, the head of the Patrakar Sangh’s managing committee.
Wable pointed out that the Patrakar Sangh had served as the venue for the Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Lecture in 2015. “A lot of right-wing groups have been allowed to rent the Patrakar Sangh venues for their press conferences, so how can they object?” he said.
The Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Committee has faced threats from the right-wing in the past as well. In 2012, when author and activist Arundhati Roy was to speak at the Lecture in Mumbai’s St Xavier’s College, the police had warned the organisers that the Shiv Sena would attack the event. “But we carried on with the lecture anyway,” said Gurbir Singh.
Friday’s lecture, too, went off without disruption even though the organisers had decided against opting for police protection.
Speaking at the memorial lecture, writer Tilak Dasgupta described the 50-year-old Naxal movement as one that is about the revolutionary seizure of power by the people, and a movement that has brought peasants, workers, Dalits and Adivasis to the forefront of the political arena, as independent actors.
“Whatever has been achieved in this movement is through struggle from below,” said Dasgupta, who believes the way forward for the Naxal movement is to resist and target the “big bourgeoisie” of corporations that are destroying small-scale economies in India. “Our country’s political environment has now distinctly shifted to the right, and we need to strategise about how best to use available democratic spaces to expand the reach of the left.”

INTERVIEW Varavara Rao: Naxalite movement hasn’t killed as many people as the bourgeois parties have

Naxalite movement hasn’t killed as many people as the bourgeois parties have

INTERVIEW
Varavara Rao, Naxalite Sympathiser​​

Naxalite sympathiser and renowned poet Varavara Rao, who was in the city last week to deliver a lecture, talks about successes and failures of the 50-year-old movement.

Half a century on, have the dreams with which the Naxalite movement began been fulfilled?

Not fulfilled, but there’s been a great advance after the initial setback. Naxalbari was the name of a village, but it came to represent everybody’s village. The word became part of our language. The authority proclaimed by the tribals of Naxalbari and Khari Bari spread like wildfire. They asserted their right to their land. That proclamation has become a part of alternative political thought.

The movement started as a rejection of Parliamentary politics, and proposed people-centred politics instead. Today, this movement has formed base areas in the forest regions in the eastern and central parts of the country. Having seized land from landlords and protected it from their goons and the police, they have formed co-operatives. In Bastar, this alternative politics is being practised in the form of Janatana Sarkars, a united front of Adivasis, Dalits and small farmers, for the past 13 years. It is a one-ofits-kind government functioning without any World Bank aid. It has been able to halt the expansion of multinationals and big business houses in the forests. There is no other instance in the history of the world of such a protracted armed class struggle.

But the movement has remained confined to the forests.

That’s because the interests of capital today lie in the forest belt where labour is cheap. The Bastar forest alone has 28 kinds of minerals. As capital enters and concentrates in these areas, it has to be met by resistance which then sets off repression. So the struggle has shifted there.

Do the people there have a choice? What about the indiscriminate shooting of alleged informers, the coercion?

If they were coercing and shooting people indiscriminately, they wouldn’t have been able to sustain the movement for so long. The Maoists move among the Adivasis. It’s taken them so much time to convince Adivasis to give up some of their practices. If there was coercion, why would it have taken so long?

When the movement started, the saying was that Dalits and Adivasis are like the dust below your feet. Naxalites changed that saying to: “The dust below your feet now smites you in the eye.” Could that have come from coercion?

What about the allegations of women being used as sex slaves?

All police propaganda. In Bastar, more than 50 per cent Maoists are women. There are over a lakh women in the Dandakaranya Mahila Sangh. They are part of the militia, of the cultural wings. Would they be there in such large numbers if they were treated as slaves? In Andhra, very early on, one of the biggest gains was an end to the practice of the landlord having the first right over a girl as soon as she attained puberty and on her wedding night.

But at what cost has this come? There are non-violent people’s movements too, like the Narmada Bachao Andolan.

But what have they achieved? The dam got built and was recently dedicated by the PM to the ‘nation’. Fifty years of the Naxalite movement haven’t killed as many people as the bourgeois parties have. The police action under Nehru in Telengana and Hyderabad against the Communists and razakars; Indira Gandhi’s Operation Blue Star and its aftermath; the 1984 Sikh massacre under Rajiv Gandhi and then the riots after the Babri Masjid demolition under Narasimha Rao; Gujarat 2002 under Narendra Modi; and the Kashmir valley all these years… Then there are man-made disasters such as the Bhopal Gas Disaster, floods, and the structural violence of the system.

The first generation of Naxalites comprised idealistic youth who gave up everything to join the movement. Is that still happening?

Yes, many youngsters who fought for a separate Telengana joined the Maoists. The most famous was Vivek, considered a child prodigy, who left his law course and went into the forests. He was killed in an encounter in 2015 when he was just 19. In fact, this is the State’s biggest fear. The police chiefs of four states recently decided to work jointly to tackle new recruitment into the movement.

Your “boycott election” principle has completely failed. Elections continue to be seen as the biggest proof of our democracy.

Consciousness matters, not numbers. Recently, the polling percentage in Kashmir was just 6 %, and the icon Irom Sharmila got just 72 votes. Yet, in Chhattisgarh, more people are voting and the BJP keeps winning. But even those who vote do not expect elections to solve their basic problems. But we must admit that the people are not yet disillusioned with Parliamentary democracy.

But despite getting Adivasi votes and pumping money into tribal areas, and despite the protections given to Adivasis by the Constitution, the State is not allowing them real democracy, ie control over their jal, jangal and zameen.

Failures?

An early failure was to see Dalits only as agricultural labourers, ignoring their caste even while fighting untouchability on the ground. A serious lapse is our failure to work among Muslims. Muslims were among the founders of the Communist Party. But today when the need is so great, they are nowhere in the movement. That’s because of the segregated spaces we live in and the stranglehold of religious leaders who project Islam as the only solution against both capitalism and Communism. I sometimes wonder whether one day we will be able to make a breakthrough in Muslim ghettos the way we did in Adivasi areas.

Important CPI (Maoist) documents

"Against Proposed Aerial Attacks on Adivasi Areas"

Red Homage to CPI(Maoist) Central Committee member Comrade Sridhar Srinivasan!

“The closure of three thousand schools and ashrams by the CG government is a symbol of the economic and academic bankruptcy and its anti people character”

“In Support of the Australian Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle Against Adani”

“Rise Against the Proposed Salva Judum-2 with the name Vikas Sangharsh Samithi (Committee to Struggle for Development)! — An appeal to the people, democrats, progressive intellectuals, writers, teachers, lawyers, media personnel, human rights organizations, adivasi, non-adivasi social organizations, sarv samaj, sarv adivasi samaj”

“A Call to the People to Fight Back the New Form of Salva Judum and the Supportive Organization of Greenhunt, Salva Judum-2”

“Boycott the Visit of Modi, the Prime Servant of CBB and MNCs to Chhattisgarh”

“Against the Family Planning Murders of Women”

“Condemn the Limitation on Buying Paddy”, in support of the peasant’s struggle

“Against Harrakoder Fake Encounter"

MIB Interview with Comrade Ganapathy: “Building on the new, unique and unprecedented achievements of the last decade, Indian revolution will certainly overcome the difficult situation to win newer, larger and more glorious victories”

Unite, Fight Back and Defeat ‘OGH—Third Phase’ of the Fascist Modi Government

Fight Back [against] the Anti-Working Class Amendments to Labour Laws by the NDA Goverment! Vikas model of Modi is Vinash for the people of India and Vistar for the imperialists and compradors!

CC Collected Statements: Volume 1 (September 2004 - February 2007)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 2 (March 2007 - July 2010)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 3 (August 2010 - August 2014)

Collected Interviews — September 2004 - August 2014

Message to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with the People’s War in India

A Call to the People of India! Shatter the shackles of imperialism and feudalism, Destroy this rotten system! Build your future and that of the country with your own hands!

Statement in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Pamphlet in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Condemn the Invasion of Gaza and Massacre of Palestinians by Zionist Israel! Hail the Heroic National Liberation Struggle for Independent Palestine!

Pamphlet and in honor of Com. Barunda (Sushil Roy), put out by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Jan Sangram Issue4 July 2014 -Hindi

CC CPI(Maoist) Statement on the Lok Sabha Election Results

Jan Sangram 2014 March - Special Election Boycott Issue -Hindi

Jan Sangram, 2014 Pamphlet On International Day Of Support -Hindi

Tongpal Ambush is the Consequence of White Terrorism of the Indian State in the name of Operation Green Hunt — ‘War on the People

Merger Declaration of the CPI(Maoist) and CPI(M-L)Naxalbari

Boycott the sham parliament & assembly elections!

Comrade Abhay Interview on General Elections — 2014

Condolence Message of the CC, CPI(Maoist) on the Demise of Comrade S. A. Rauf

The message for the International Conference in Hamburg by the Secretary, CPI(Maoist)

The Call of the CC, CPI(Maoist) to celebrate the 9° anniversary of the Party

On the PLGA Attack of May 25