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Release Saibaba!

Appeals Hearing For Jailed Professor G N Saibaba And Co-Defendants Postponed Until September 29th

Nagpur: Following inability of top criminal lawyer Ram Jethmalani and senior counsel Nitya Ramakrishnan to appear, the Nagpur bench of Bombay High Court on Friday adjourned the hearing of criminal appeals filed by Delhi University professor G N Saibaba and others.
The petitioners who also included Vijay and Mahesh Tirki, Hem Mishra, and Pandu Narote challenged Gadchiroli sessions court verdict convicting them on March 7. Vijay was awarded ten years of rigorous imprisonment considering his limited role, others were sentenced to life. A division bench of Justices Vasanti Naik and Murlidhar Giratkar adjourned the hearing till September 29 after the accused sought time to take Jethmalani’s and Ramakrishnan’s dates, according to special public prosecutor Prashant Sathianathan.
On April 5, the division bench of Justices Bhushan Dharmadhikari and Vinay Deshpande had admitted both the appeals for final hearing.

All six accused were convicted under Sections 13, 18, 20, 38 and 39 of Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) along with Section 120B of IPC for criminal conspiracy for aiding and abetting Naxalite activities and waging war against nation. While pronouncing the verdict, Gadchiroli principal district and sessions judge Suryakant Shinde also named dreaded Naxalite Narmada Akka and Ramdar as other accused in the crime and directed the police to trace them. The court examined 23 witnesses that included panch witness and one approver.
The Gadchiroli police based their evidence on a memory chip recovered from Mishra after his arrest from Ballarshah Railway Station on August 22, 2013, with Mahesh and Narote. Data recovered from the hard disk of computer belonging to Saibaba after his arrest proved their role in the Naxalite activities. Rahi and Vijay were arrested on September 2, 2013, while Saibaba was arrested on May 9, 2014, from his home in Delhi.
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Naxalbari will never die!

50 Years of Naxalbari: A Path for Alternative Development by Purnendu Sekhar Mukherjee

50 Years of Naxalbari: A Path for Alternative Development
Purnendu Sekhar Mukherjee

In November, 2008 just as the people’s movement against state repression began in Lalgarh, a Peoples’ Committee against Police Atrocities was formed, comprising of five male and five female members representing each village, which soon spread from village to village. Equal participation of men and women in the committee generated enormous support from local women and the movement spread like a wild fire in the entire region. Within two weeks journalist Shyamsundar Das of The Statesmen wrote an article in which pointing out the most remarkable aspect of the movement he mentioned- “A parallel government has emerged in the district. Just like the Maoists run village committees in Andhra and Chattsigarh, the Peoples’ Committee have set up village committees in different villages of Belpahari, Binpur, Lalgarh, Jamb0ni, Salboni, Goaltore and surrounding areas. The village administration will be run according to the directives of the village committee and no government projects can be started without their permission. It is quite evident that in coming days implementing government projects in these villages will be difficult.”

Six months after the publication of this article, Snignendu Bhattacharya of the Hindustan Times published an article on the parallel governance and developmental system in the Lalgarh area. He wrote- “In areas of Medinipur bordering Odisha, in the last 8 months in an area spanning almost thousand square kilometers, the Maoists have silently developed a new weapon against the Indian state. Drinking water, irrigation, road, health centres … Hindustan Times witnessed the second liberated zone of India in this area kept carefully away from public eyes, a Maoist-ruled system where the villages populated by almost 2 lakh inhabitants are witnessing a pace of development unprecedented in the last 30 years of Left rule. Together with taking over the state machinery including the administrative and justice systems, Maoists have constructed 50 kilometres of rural roads, installed tubewells, developed the irrigation system and are running health centers with the assistance of the local population.”

Although Lalgarh was a guerilla zone and calling it a liberated zone was an exaggeration on the writer’s part, both the articles along with many similar reports portrayed the essence of the revolutionary politics underlying the establishment of such village-based peoples’ administrations.

Lalgarh is not the central topic of this essay. The Lalgarh movement is merely an important and instructive episode in the 50 years long history of Naxalbari politics. However, Lalgarh needs special mention as almost after 40 years of Naxalbari, the Lalgarh movement has shown people that Naxalite politics doesn’t only mean capturing state power through armed struggle, the path of Naxalbari also means the building of an alternative socio-economic model by the people themselves. In which development will be based on local needs, on the consent of the local population, not on the demands of international finance capital.

We need to clearly understand that the aim of the Maoists is to destroy the prevailing unequal socioeconomic system and establish in its place a system that will ensure the equitable distribution of national resources among all sections of the society. Destruction and construction are both of equal importance in this politics. Construction has to proceed simultaneously with destruction. Without the dreams and plans of construction, destruction is nothing but anarchy. On the contrary the life blood of Maoist politics is the dream of building a new society.

50 years of Naxalbari stands for 50 years of a dream of building a new India.

The Beginning of the Naxalbari Movement: Struggle for the Right of the Farmer to Land and Crops

Four months after the beginning of the Naxalbari movement in March 1967, when West Bengal was reeling under acute food shortage and rampant black marketeering, Charu Mazumdar declared to a journalist of the newspaper Jugantar that the 20000-25000 farmers of Naxalbari do not have a cause for concern as they have food stores to last them an entire year. Rather the land issue is at the centre of the movement.

The central issue of the Indian agrarian revolution is the redistribution of land by the peasant committees based on the slogan “Land to the tillers”. Although the parliamentary parties also consider land reforms as a just demand, but in reality it has been seen that it is all but impossible to realize this demand by peaceful means. The reason is that the ones who own most of the land run the administration. Therefore the police-administration-landlords nexus tried its best to nip in the bud this attempt of Naxalite politics to overturn this agrarian production relations. However, the struggle was not limited only to the demand for land as it was realized that unless the whole system was changed, and brought in support of the masses, it would not be possible to hold on to land or crops.

In the 2nd edition, 9th issue (5th September, 1967) of the Dakshin Desh magazine it was said- “What is the theoretical basis of this movement of the peasants of Naxalbari? The struggling peasants of Naxalbari believe that the completion of the agrarian revolution is a prime objective among the revolutionary tasks of the peoples democratic revolution. The peasantry along with other friendly revolutionary forces under the leadership of the working class will have to work towards this direction. The peasants have seen that there is no liberation for them unless the feudal exploitation by the rural landlords ends. And this feudal exploitation is supported by the state apparatus and its three pillars- the landlords -moneylenders, the big capitalists and imperialism.

The revolutionaries of Naxalbari have started to destroy this state apparatus under the leadership of the Communist Party. ”

Four decades after this, in 2010, when journalists asked Dr. B.D. Sharma, the adivasi-friendly intellectual and ex-bureaucrat, about the chances of success of the talks between the Indian government and the Maoists, the ex-District Magistrate of undivided Bastar and ex-SC/ST Commissioner said- “Wait and watch the reaction of the government when the Maoists raise the demands of complete land reforms and policy changes regarding industrialization.

Also observe the reaction of the government when the Maoists in Jharkhand, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Chattisgarh demand the cancellation of the mining agreements with the multinational corporations. The talks are sure to break down on these two questions.”

Therefore, the question is not of guns, it is of principles. The question of how the society is going to be. For this sole reason, the government, the reactionary feudal landlords, the comprador bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie press have always tried to equate Maoist politics with violence. They realize that if people get the opportunity to experience the alternate model it will become impossible for multinational finance capital to plunder the human and natural resources of the country.

The attempt to build this alternate model started almost two decades prior to that of Naxalbari in Kakdwip in West Bengal and in Telangana in Andhra Pradesh. During the Tebhaga movement, Laylagunj in Kakdwip came to be called as Lalgunj where 5000 bighas of land was captured and distributed among the landless in 1949. All ponds were declared as common property and all agricultural equipments and bullocks of farmers were brought together to start collective farming and build collective stores. Separate committees of villagers were formed to look after administration, justice and defence. The repression of the combined forces of landlords and the administration spread throughout the country . On the other hand has developed the struggle to destroy the current state system and build a far better alternative.

What is the alternative model?

Briefly, the Maoists are against the international capital and technology driven developmental model geared to the demands of the rich in the society. Instead the Maoists believe in a developmental model which is driven by local and mass needs, generates employment and is environmentally sustainable. They support that development model which will take the fruits of development to the broader masses of the country – the workers, peasants, middle class, small traders and the national bourgeoisie. They are against all such policies which serve the conditions and interests of international finance capital, which help the Tatas, Ambanis, Essars, Vedantas, Adanis and their likes to expand and fatten on the wealth of the people. The Maoists oppose those policies which burden the common people with foreign loans and the conditions laid down by the multinational corporations.

What are the policies of the Janatana Sarkar? The policies include radical land reforms which will capture lands from the landlords and redistribute to the landless, bring fallow and waste lands into agriculture and put an end to uncontrolled deforestation. The Janatana Sarkar will lay stress on handicrafts and cottage industries producing soap, shoes, jaggery, edible oil and other small scale products both under cooperative and private ownership. In parallel, emphasis will be laid on construction of water reservoirs and digging of ponds, irrigation canals and drainage systems and construction of bridges, schools, health centers and veterinary clinics. And all these will be constructed by the voluntary labour of the common people.

In the present policy document of the Janatana Sarkar of Dandakaranya the outline of the future peoples democratic government has been traced which includes some notables policies and principles such as:

• All lands belonging to landlords and religious institutions will be confiscated. Based on the “land to the tiller” policy these lands will be redistributed among the poor, the landless peasants and agricultural labourers. Lands belonging to rich peasants will not be confiscated.
• The oppression by money lenders will be stopped.
• All banks, industries and other institutions belonging to the imperialists and comprador capitalists will be confiscated. All debts to the imperialists will be cancelled.
• All unjust treaties with imperialists will be declared invalid.
• All such capitalist production that does not adversely affect the life of common people will be allowed to continue.
• Private property will not be confiscated.
• Medium scale enterprises operated by the national bourgeoisie will be regulated.
• Caste discrimination will be annihilated.
• Special attention will be given towards eradication of patriarchy and the end of discrimination against women.
• Mining projects of imperialist MNCs will be stopped.
• Adivasi societies will have autonomy.
• The Janatana Sarkar believes in the right to self determination of nationalities and will therefore accept decisions of nationalities to secede. However, the Janatana Sarkar will work towards the unity of nationalities.
• The development of backward areas will be prioritized.
• Religion will be a personal matter and the state will have nothing to do with religion.
• A scientific and democratic culture will be built up in opposition to the existing imperialist and semifeudal cultural practices.

The model which budded in Naxalbari and had spread to Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Kerala, Bihar and Maharashtra, the model which was again seen during the Lalgarh movement in Bengal wherein local people by their voluntary labour built roads, revived irrigation canals and ponds, ran health centers, established cooperative farms in the Ayodhya hills of Purulia has become a full grown tree in the form of Janatana Sarkar in Dandakarnaya.

In 1967, the path that was shown by Naxalbari in which guerilla squads were formed by snatching the weapons from the mercenary forces of the landlords, established peoples’ courts to try the exploiters-oppressors, establish ownership over land and crops by struggling with the landlord armies, set up cooperative stores of crops, the path which led to the establishment of “Bengal’s Vietnam” in Kanksa, its is the same path by which the oppressed has today tasted their own power in the villages of Bihar, Jharkhand, Andhra, Odisha, Chattisgarh and Maharashtra.

In the last 50 years several thousand marginal farmers have been martyred in the hands of mercenary armies of landlords or the police just to establish their rights over land and its produce. In 1977-78 when there were efforts to revive the revolutionary movement in Andhra Pradesh, when thousands of peasants were getting together in Karimnagar and Adilabad to establish their rights on their lands and crops, there were no option in front of them except to retaliate against the joint attacks by the feudal lords and the police administration. At around the same time, similar efforts were started to establish revolutionary peasant committees in south Bihar (present Jharkhand). Simultaneously, dalit landless farmers from central Bihar organized under the revolutionary Communist forces faced massive violence from the mercenary armies of the landlords. The police and the parliamentary political parties as expected joined hands with the landlords.

In the 80’s while continuing to fight the combined attacks of these reactionary forces, practices such as cooperative farming, cooperative animal husbandry and community ownership of forest resources were established in different parts of Dandakaranya with the objective of making the villages self-reliant. In 1995, the village government committee or Janatana Sarkar was established. Meanwhile huge tracts of land have been distributed among the landless. The loot of the forest resources by the jungle mafia has been restricted and the rights of the adivasis over forest produce have been established while ensuring regulated use of such resources.

From 1996, in order to restrict the dependence of the adivasis over forest resources and hunting, they have been encouraged to practice fruit and vegetable farming. Both individual and cooperative farming was encouraged by distributing seeds of fruits and vegetables among individuals/families and communities. Both forms of farming, private and collective, were allowed simultaneously so that people could select one after assessing the pros and cons of both. It is to be remembered that the new democratic revolution in India does not envisage the end of private enterprise, rather it wants that private enterprises are run keeping in mind the needs of the broader masses.

Within two years of this collectivization of animal resources such as cows, buffaloes, oxen, goats, ducks, chicken etc. was initiated. Cattle and other animals of landlords and moneylenders were confiscated and all animals were shifted to a designated place. The excreta of such animals was collected in a place and used as organic manure. Such practices kept the villages clean and reduced the requirement of chemical fertilizers.

Success of such policies infuriated the local landlords, traders and moneylenders and they tried to repress the movement with the help of the police administration. The primary reason for their anger was the confiscation of their lands and furthermore due to the redistribution of the land to the landless, it was difficult for them to get cheap agricultural labour for their land. Moreover the forest officials and local politicians in nexus with the jungle mafias lost their regular sources of income.

Furthermore, as the farmers could keep their entire produce, it released them from the dependence on local moneylenders. This gave rise to a chain reaction. For example, if the third world succeeds in putting an end to the exploitation by the multi-national corporations, such corporations will be forced to increase the exploitation and repression of the American people which will then push the American people towards revolutionary politics. Similarly, the cooperative farming and animal husbandry model in the adivasi villages created alarm in the towns and cities. All reactionary forces joined hands to destroy the Janatana Sarkar. In order to resist these attacks, the guerilla army of the oppressed people also increased in size and power. And the Janatana Sarkars got further strengthened based on the strength of this guerilla army.

In 1997-98 itself the inhabitants of 238 villages in Dandakaranya dug 110 ponds by giving voluntary labour. Simultaneously 47 large water reservoirs were created, some for irrigation, some for fish cultivation and some for the needs of cattle. During August-September of that year, nearly 3 lakh fish spawn and some thousands of prawn seeds were used to start extensive pisciculture. In 1998 the peoples’ government started distributing fish spawn in a large scale among the local population, which soon became a basis of the local economy. Now there are water reservoirs or ponds in the area of most revolutionary peoples’ committees. In the same areas where agriculture was once very limited now there is extensive cultivation of fruits such as papayas, bananas, mangoes, lemons and guavas and vegetables such as onion, garlic, brinjal, gourds, pumpkin, ladies finger, cauliflower, maize, spring onion, tomatoes etc.

The revolutionary peoples’ committees (RPC) have taken the initiative to train the local population in agricultural practices, develop irrigation systems, protect cattle and develop animal husbandry, convert forest land into agricultural land and arrange for collection and preservation of fertilizers, seeds etc. In the Mad area of Dandakranya, which was once the most backward area, today there is cooperative agriculture and cooperative farms under the direction of RPCs. Every year during January-February, the work to level the land is taken up for 10-15 days. Cultivation of herbs is being expanded keeping in mind the health needs of the people. A number of local health centres have come up, together with mobile health centres. The mobile health centres provide free basic health services to people over a large area.

In the schools under the RPC, text books have been developed in eight subjects, mathematics, social sciences, political science, Hindi, culture, biology, general science and the history of Dandakaranya for students from classes one to five. Most significantly, with great effort Gondi, the language of the adivasis, has been restored and primary curriculum in Gondi language has been started. Remarkably, a dictionary in the Gondi language has also been written. Efforts are being made to even restore the more backward Halvi language. More than 25 magazines are published regularly just from Dandakarnya. In the areas under the Janatana Sarkars, Indian-made foreign liquor is banned although there is no ban on country liquor, hadia etc. However, drinking alcohol is forbidden in the revolutionary organization and campaigns are run to build public consciousness against the drinking of country liquor, smoking etc.

In those areas of Dandakaranya where peoples’ governments have been set up till district level, the struggle began with the establishment of peoples’ rights over the fundamental aspects of rural economy – land, crops, cattle and water bodies. Private property has not been ended but land has been taken from landlords and distributed among the peasants.

A gram sabha is a fundamental unit of the Janatana Sarkar. The gram sabhas look after the local administration of each village and all inhabitants of the village except those belonging to the enemy camp are its members. Every year each gram sabha organizes at least two meetings. In the first meeting decisions are taken while they are reviewed in the second meeting. If the villagers are unsatisfied with the functioning of an individual in the gram sabha they have a right to recall and they can remove the person from the working committee.

Three to five such villages or roughly 500-3000 individuals constitute a Revolutionary People’s Committee (RPC). Ten to fifteen such RPC’s constitute a regional RPC or regional government which comprises of roughly 10000- 20000 individuals. Finally 3-5 such regional RPC’s make up a divisional or district level RPC.

There are 9 departments under the administration of a district level RPC-

1. Defence, 2. Finance, 3. Agriculture, 4. Small scale industries 5. Justice, 6. Education and Culture, 7. Health and Social development, 8. Forest protection 9. Mass communication
Seven or nine or eleven members constitute local or regional RPCs. There are 15 members in the district committee which comprise of a president, a vice president, a representative of the PLGA, individuals responsible for the functioning of the 9 departments and 3 representatives of the area committee of the Party. In the fundamental unit or the gram sabha all villagers except class enemies elect the committee members and decide upon the agenda to be considered for development work. The villagers have a right to recall an elected committee member if she/he fails to perform an assigned duty.

In 2008, a Dandakaranya Special Zonal preparatory committee was formed to coordinate between the 2 district level RPC’s. In spite of the Salwa Judum operational from 2005-2008 and the Operation Greenhunt, which was instituted by the reactionary central and state governments to crush the Janatana Sarkars, these peoples’ governments are being able to continue functioning as the basis for the popular support for them is the alternative model of development based on popular participation which tries to ensure the equitable distribution of wealth.

Just because the Maoists want to subvert the present system it does not mean that they oppose the welfare projects of the State. In areas where the Janatana Sarkars have not been established, the Maoists engage themselves in movements to ensure the proper implementation of government schemes such as 100 days work, water harvesting, state subsidies for small scale industries, housing schemes for the poor etc. The Maoists demand the proper implementation of all such welfare projects by the government which they themselves want to take up on a larger scale.

The Maoists want the utilization of national resources in such a manner that the benefits of welfare schemes reach the largest number of people. For the same reason the World Bank opposes the 100 days work (MGNREGA) scheme as it considers that if the peasants get some income they will not be available as cheap labourers in cities.

On the other hand the Maoists have always demanded the proper implementation and expansion of the MGNREGA project. The Maoists are not against the extraction of ore from mines but they are against policies that allow the displacement of inhabitants of forests and hills, the indiscriminate deforestation and facilitation of the loot of valuable mineral resources by the multinational corporations, all in the name of mining and industrialization.

It is to be clearly understood that the current aggressive nature of global capitalism is taking the world towards a disaster, it is taking us towards a situation in which natural resources are going to get over, environment is going to be degraded, human disease will increase and in order to increase humanity’s suffering and sick lifestyle life saving drugs and health services will become even more expensive. In order to prevent this disaster and to save the future of the world what is of utmost need is to build an alternative environment friendly, self-reliant, employment generating and non-wasteful political-economic system.

The Jantana Sarkars, under the leadership of the Maoists, are fighting to establish such a society. And till today, the inspiration for this struggle comes from the historic Naxalbari movement that happened 50 years ago, a movement that showed the path of liberation to the working masses of India.

(The author is a former member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and has been a political prisoner)

CPI Maoist Calls on Indian Masses in Odisha State to Observe August 15th as a “Black Day”

Bhubaneswar: Ahead of the 71st Independence Day celebration across the country on Tuesday,
CPI (Maoist)’s Bolangir-Bargarh-Mahasamund divisional committee today released
an audio tape calling on people to celebrate August 15 as a ‘black’ day.
Claiming an increase in unlawful activities, cases of torture on villagers and exploitation
in the State, Budhuram Paharia, spokesperson of the Maoist division urged people to hoist
black flags on August 15 instead of the Tricolour.
In the audio tape, the Maoist division mentioned about a rise in famer suicides in the State.
“The Independence Day is being celebrated only for namesake,” the Maoist leader said.

CRPP Statement on the Abduction of Tushar Bhattacharya

DATE: 11 AUGUST 2017

STRONGLY CONDEMN THE CRIMINAL ABDUCTION OF SOCIAL ACTIVIST TUSHAR KANTI BHATTACHARYA BY GUJARAT ATS!
RELEASE TUSHAR BHATTACHARYA IMMEDIATELY!

It is no more an exaggeration to say that lawless is the norm that runs the Indian polity. There is an increasing urge in breaking the law with the connivance of the authorities, the ruling party/establishment and not the least the police force–the supposed law-keepers. From cow vigilantism, mob vigilantism to forceful imposition of brahminical Hindutva jingoism we are witnessing rampant lawlessness—a manifestation of the deepening crisis–economic as well as political–that India has been going through. The criminal abduction,indulged in by the Gujarat ATS, of Tushar Kanti Bhattacharya, a social activist, adds to the stories of such lawlessness which has been the norm all through for those who have a different world view than that shared by the powers-that-be.
A resident of Nagpur, Tushar had gone to Kolkata to meet some of his relatives. He left Kolkata for Nagpur on 7 August 2017 by Geetanjali Express (Coach A 1). He was all alone. As can be deciphered he was being followed by the Gujarat ATS and the moment he reached Nagpur, he was kidnapped by them. His mobile phone was seized. He was not allowed to contact members of his family, nor was his relatives given any intimation of his arrest.
The story gets more bizarre since then. Here is a well known person, who stays in an official address with his wife–Prof. Shoma Sen from the English Department of Nagpur University a well known women’s activist—being produced wearing a mask to sensationalize the intrigue behind his arrest as well as the identity of the arrested. The identity of Tushar as a man of words, a prolific translator, well versed in Bengali, Telugu and Hindi, gets easily conflated with the seemingly all pervading facelessness of the ideology of War on Terror!
Lawyer Susan Abraham with the Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) succinctly sums up the criminality behind this act of arresting an ‘absconding person’. To quote her:
“By law, the Gujarat police ought to have sent a summons to the openly known address of his residence at Nagpur to appear before the concerned court and case in Gujarat.
…..
If the abduction was not brazen enough, what is more shocking is the case in which Bhattacharya was kidnapped by the Gujarat police. It happens to be Crime Register No I-37 of 2010 with the Kamrej police station, Surat. Bhattacharya is the 22nd person implicated in the case. All the 21 others have been released on bail. This was another reason why the modus operandi — abducting Bhattacharya — from Nagpur was totally uncalled for.”
Further, if one looks into all the sections registered in the case against all the accused, it is no less serious as everyone is slapped with Sections 120(B), 121(A), 124(A), 153(A) (B) of the Indian Penal Code and Sections 38, 39 and 40 of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (amended in 2004). But despite all such serious charges the fact remains that all the 21 accused in the matter have got bail.
The criminal callousness with which the police—be it Gujarat or elsewhere in India—play with the lives of people who are in active social work is further evident from the FIR filed wherein anyone and everyone can be clubbed in. Where in the world can one imagine an FIR where the Time of Arrest is shown as: “Any time till today”! The definition of the offence is much more alarming in ambit and extent as it says: “Creating of class conflict, and rousing feeling of dissatisfaction among religious minorities and tribals living in the forests by doing misleading propaganda, causing anti-national sentiments and so on.” The final nail in the coffin of accountability and fairness of procedure is the list of the names filed in the FIR as it stares at you: “Unknown members of CPI (Maoist) and others.” Little wonder that the Gujarat ATS applied their mind while producing Tushar before the court with hood!
It is further pertinent to note that when this FIR was filed in 2010 (C R No I-37 of 2010) Tushar was already an under trial prisoner lodged in Cherlapally jail, Hyderabad. What is rather amusing is that despite being accused of committing a crime when he was behind bars at time of the supposed commission of the said offence (!) Tushar, while in Cherlappally jail during 2010-2013, wrote two applications (Dated May 9, 2011 and July 22, 2011) to the court of the judicial magistrate of Khattor, under whose jurisdiction the case was lodged. He had mentioned in those applications that he should be produced in court if he was really an accused in that case. But,as we can see, the Gujarat police didn’t want him to be produced. Such production for them, as it appears from their present criminal abduction and attempt to tarnish the image of the abducted person by deliberately declaring him to be absconding and further maligning him by producing him hooded in the court, are pointers to how deeply criminalized and unaccountable the law enforcing machinery has become. And what about the judicial system, may one be allowed to ask? We shouldn’t be surprised that after all the prolonged tribulations and technicalities of the inevitable trappings of the functioning of judiciary in India, after ‘n’ number of years (as bizarre as the FIR filed in the present case) the court will say with anger and indignation that how criminal is the police in ruining the life of the general citizens of India!
The CRPP strongly condemns this illegal and criminal abduction by the Gujarat police and demand Tushar Bhattacharya be immediately released.

In protest,

SAR GEELANI
PRESIDENT
AMIT BHATTACHARYYA
SECRETARY GENERAL
SUJATO BHADRA
VICE PRESIDENT
SUKHENDU BHATTACHARJEE
VICE PRESIDENT
MN RAVUNNI
VICE PRESIDENT
P. KOYA
VICE PRESIDENT
MALEM
VICE PRESIDENT
HANYBABU MT
MEDIA SECRETARY
RONA WILSON
SECRETARY, PUBLIC RELATIONS

Maoists increasing presence in A.P.’s Araku region

 

Chief Minister is believed to have cancelled visit to his adopted village due to fresh inroads by maoists
Although Maoists have a considerable presence in the Agency areas of Visakhaptnam, especially interior pockets and regions such as G.K. Veedhi, Pedabayalu, Chintapalli, Munchingput and G. Madugula, the Araku region has been considered a safe zone by the police.
But the police no longer consider the well known tourist attraction a safe zone. There are a number of indications suggesting that Maoists are trying to make inroads into the Araku region, including the recent cancellation of Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu’s visit to his adopted village of Peda Labudu, located about 10 km from Araku town.
Sources suggest that Mr. Naidu’s visit was cancelled due to the imminent threat from Maoists. The Chief Minister is on their hit-list. He survived a mine attack at Alipiri in October 2003.
The road to Peda Labudu is narrow, and has many sharp curves with a number of culverts. The bomb detection squad of the police can detect mines or improvised explosive devices 4 to 5 metres below the ground. But it is difficult to detect an IED placed deep in the valley. A well-packed strong IED beyond the detection level can prove fatal. This was the reason that prompted the cancellation of the Chief Minister’s programme at the last minute, said a senior district police officer.
Spate of attacks
The Araku mandal borders the Koraput division of Odisha. The Maoists have been active on the Koraput side. In February, they detonated a mine killing seven policemen of the Odisha Armed Police. Recently, they killed the gram panchayat president of Hatibari block in Koraput, barely 3 km from the Araku border, said Visakhapatnam (Rural) SP Rahul Dev Sharma. This apart, the police discovered a number of black flags and banners during the Maoist Martyrs’ week celebrations.
The blast on an APSRTC bus on August 2 near Dumku village in Anantagiri mandalappears to have consolidated the fears of the police. “Luckily no one was injured in the blast, but it was certain that potassium nitrate, a key ingredient for making IEDs and detonators, and wires were part of the unmarked consignment, which probably ignited due to some reason. It gives us the hunch that Maoists movement has increased in the Araku region,” said Mr. Sharma.
There are two view points to the fresh surge by Maoists in the region: they may be trying to regain some lost ground, as the pressure is hotting up on the other side, or it could be a diversion strategy.

A powerful poem on Professor G N Saibaba Translated into Persian, by: Nabarda

Dear comrades,
You have published a powerful poem on Professor G N Saibaba in following link:
http://maoistroad.blogspot.com/2017/08/a-powerful-poem-on-prof-g-n-saibaba.html
Now, one of our comrades, comrade Nabarda, who is also a revolutionary poet in Persian Language, has translated that powerful poem on professor G N Saibaba, from English version into Persian Language.
Please open the attachment and receive the translation for publication in Maoist Road blog
translator name: Nabarda
نبرده
Afghanistan
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                 WARMEST MAOIST GREETINGS

 

WWW.MASSLINE.NETآنچه در زیر میخوانید٬ شعری است از (آراساویلی کریشنادر باره ء‌ ج.ن.سایبابا.این شعر نیرومند٬ نخست در تارنمای (ویراسامبه نشر رسیده استزبان اصلی شعر٬ تیلوگو است. (ن.وینوگوپالآنرا از زبان اصلی به انگلیسی برگردانده استمن (نبردهاینک این شعر نیرومند و انقلابی را٬ به فارسی دری برمیگردانم٬ و آنرا به انقلابیون پرولتری سراسر جهان تقدیم میکنم.
خانه ی دوست کجاست؟
پرسیدم از شگوفه ای که می کشید سر
از چاک سینه ء‌ دیوار نیم جان
پرسیدم از قطار گلانی که چشمهای شان
در گیر خواب بود٬ در محوطه ء دانشگاه!
جستم ز چشم یکی نوزاد
گوساله ای که چشم منتظرش راز دار بود
پاسخ به پرسشم:
خانه ء‌دوست کجاست؟
در گردشی چنین٬
چیدم گلان سرخ٬ و نهادم به جیب خویش
جستم سراغ سرانگشت دوست را
در رخنه های مه آلود که آغوش قطره های آب بود
افتان ز میله های پنجره های پریده رنگ.
نامه ء عاشقانه دوستم٬ اما
در دست من هنوز در تب یک انتظار بود
آن نامه ای که برای پرنده گان
و از برای کبوتران سپید بود
و در شتاب آخرین دقایق هر روز مکتبی
رندانه لای برگهای کتابم جهیده بود!
لطفا به من بگویید
باری چگونه توان رفت٬ تا منزل رفیق
هر چند در دل ویرانه زار کلبه ها
در دامن آن زاغه نشینهای (امالاپورام)
پرسه زدم به بوی دیدار٬
اما٬
جز بوی تند لاش ماهیان خشکبوم
دستی پذیره ء‌آن نامه ام نبود!
با آنهمه٬ هنوز
در ظلمتی چنان٬ در ریزش دیوار های آن
این انتظار بود که میداشتم به پای!
هر چند مثل سگی پیر
کز زخمهای کاری٬ پیچد به خویشتن
حمال پیکر روحی فسرده بودم
اما هنوز چهره ء تر و شاداب دوست را
که چون نزاکت کف رخسار شیر بود
در تازگی و نغزی
با چشم قلب٬ دیده و می گشتم از عطش.
با آوای چشم بستن ماهی
خشت های اوفتاده ء دیوار خانه آن دوست را
کردم نوازش٬ و نزدیکتر شدم
دیدم در انحنای افتان دیوار خانه اش٬
چلپاسه ای خاکی ٬ که خنده به لب داشت
پرسیدمش به کمال ادب٬ شگرد خوش:
آیا سراغی از کجا شدن دوست من٬ تراست؟
و آنگاه رو بسوی پاره های آهک افتان نموده٬ گفتم:
باری شما٬ اگر خبری هست٬ چه بهتر کنید لطف!
پرسیدم آنزمان
از آن متبرک سه چرخه ای که بود
حمال پیکر و رویای رفیق بزرگ من:
آن قامت بهار٬ آن دوستم کجاست؟
آنگاه نامه را
از جیب خود کشیدم٬
بگذاشتم به مدخل آن راهرو که بود
باری گواه گم شدن دوست گلم.
حرفی نمانده بود که گویم فزون ازآن
با حضرت دیوار ها٬ با محشر آوار ها.
در باز گشت خویش٬ در آغازگام خویش٬
مرغی ز محبس٬ آمد
بنشست به بازوی من٬ سرود:
دوست تو زنده است!
دارد هزار آتشین درود
به مردمان٬
به خلق قهرمان!
و از میان دیوار های که دولت بنا نهاده
مردم برای همیشه٬ او را به یاد خواهند داشت!
یادش همیشه سبز و گرامی٬
همچون بهار در دل خلق است٬ شگوفان!
و مردمان٬
حتی در فاصله ذره های غذا شان درون بشقاب٬
یک ذره نیز یاد رفیق ترا
از یاد نخواهند برد!
او را به هر نفس٬
چون زنده گی به حافظه خواهند سپرد!
Published on Virasam website
http://virasam.org/article.php?page=544
(Translation from Telugu by N Venugopal)
Translated into Persian, by: Nabarda
برگردان به فارسی درینبرده

We demand release of abducted writer

Appeal to the writers and democratic forces, for the immediate release of Tushar Kanti Bhattacharya.
thenextfront.com
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Tushar Kanti Bhattacharya aged 62 was abducted by Gujarat Police while he was arriving to Nagpur from Kolkata by Gitanjali express at 7.30 AM. I quote here the message sent by Prof. Soma Sen, Nagpur University “Thushar, my Husband was mysteriously arrested this morning by Gujarath Police I have been trying Thushar mobile from 6AM. But it was unreachable. At about 8.30AM, Senior Advocate Prakash Meghe informed me that Tushar called him to inform that he was arrested by Gujarat Police and at Nagpur airport. The police will take him by flight to Gujarat and may be produced him in the court tomorrow. …”
 Prakash Meghe, a senior lawyer informed that “Tushar was abducted by Gujarat police team between Gondia and Nagpur. They allegedly forced him to turn off his mobile phone, and after showing him a arrest warrant issued by a Surat court in connection with a 2010 case, whisked him away to Gujarat via Mumbai.
 Bhattacharya was earlier arrested by the Bihar police in September 2007 in Patna and later handed over to AP police in connection with a four-decade-old Maoist raid on landlords at the historic Tappalapur village, now located in Telangana. He was lodged at the Cherlapally Central Prison in Hyderabad. He was implicated in some concocted cases and spent six years in Warangal and Cherlapally Central Prisons and later acquitted in all the cases.
Tushar Bhattacharya was born and brought up in Kagaznagar as his father was an employee in Singareni Coal Mines. While he was a student at Advance Training Institute (ATI), Shivam Road, Hyderabad, he was attracted to Radical Student movement in early 70s itself.  Afterwards, he joined CPI (ML-COC) lead by Kondapally Sitaramaiah. He organized the peasant struggles in Adilabad district and later worked in Maharastra. In Bombay, he oragnised the trade unions and other mass movements.
 While in Kagaznagar, he was a student of two great Hindi poets, K. Venugopal and Tej Rajendra Singh in School and through them came into contact with M.T. Khan, who influenced him not only in politics, but Art and Literature. He is a prolific writer in Telugu and Hindi. He is proficient in his mother tongue Bengali and Marathi since he was long time political activist of Maharashtra.
 He had many ailments. He shifted to his wife’s place in Nagpur in 2013 and staying there pursuing freelance journalism, translations and literary writing.
 Gujarat police alleged that he had association with the activities in the tribal areas of Surat, Navsari and Dangs. Since Nagpur is the head Quarter of Vidharbha the drought stricken most backward area of this country with coal mines and tribals, he is seen by the State and the RSS headquarters as a pro-Dalit and pro-Adivasi activist which alone is sufficient to name anybody an extremist or a terrorist.
 He contributed short stories, poetry, memoirs to Srujana and Arunatara.
 I demand the release of Tushar Kanth Bhattacharya, a 40 year acquaintance and a friend forthwith without implicating him in any false cases.
 I appeal to the writers and democratic forces to raise their voice for release of Tushar Kanth Bhattacharya.
President : Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF)
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Tusharkanti was living a low-profile life

Shishir Arya| TNN | Updated: Aug 9, 2017, 01:25 PM IST Times of India.



Tusharkant BhattacharyaTusharkant Bhattacharya

NAGPUR: Son of an employee at Sirpur Paper Mills, 62-year-old Tusharkant Bhattacharyawas a student leader in Sirpur-Kagazngar — the town in Telangana known for the mills set up by Birlas. After shifting to Maharashtra sometime in the 1980s, he remained a trade union leader taking up the cause of construction workers till 2000. His elder brother Kalol is also a prominent union leader at Sirpur but is attached to the RSS-affiliated Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS).

In 2007, Bhattacharya was arrested in Patna for attacking his landlord. After being in judicial remand for six years, he was acquitted and since then Bhattacharya was been living at Bharat Nagar locality off Amravati Road here.

Delhi University professor G N Saibaba, now convicted for supporting naxalite activities, came to Bhattacharya’s house after he was released on bail from Nagpur jail last year.

After his release in 2013, Bhattacharya’s family says he has been living a low-profile life earning a living by translating books. Currently, he was translating a Telugu book by left-wing activist Varavara Rao into Hindi.

“Saibaba is known to me as a professor of English. As far as Tusharkanti is concerned, he was always an activist with Leftist leanings but never directly related to any armed conflict or Naxalite activities,” his wife Shoma Sen told Times of India.. She heads the department of English at Nagpur University.

In the quite lane the Rituraj Apartments, where the family resides, is located not many except the immediate neighbours know Bhattacharya and Sen. The couple has a daughter who is studying in Mumbai.

His neighbours do not remember of having any interaction with Bhattacharya except exchanging pleasantries whenever they seldom meet. However, they quietly admit of knowing through others that he was engaged in Leftist activism and had been jailed earlier.

Even though his neighbours term him a recluse, Bhattacharya was seen in several social programmes, especially hosted by the left parties.

Naxalbari 50° anniversary in India

Seminar on the 50th anniversary of Naxalbari Spring Thunder

 

National seminar on : The Impact of Naxalbari on Indian Society, Its Achievements and Challenges
This is the 50 th anniversary of the spring thunder over India. Naxalbari carved the path of Indian revolution by restoring the essence of Marxism on this soil and it was the great turning point in Indian political scenario. The spark has spread to various regions though out the country withstanding ruthless violence and repression unleashed by the state. The movement rose again in some areas where it was setback. Even though it was suppressed badly in some places it could constantly spread to new regions and could also develop as the alternate political force of the masses.
Fifty years is not a big period in the larger history of human society but it is indeed a considerable journey. In India the period has witnessed considerable developments in socio economic and political aspects. Due to the complexity and heterogeneity of Indian society, we can say every region is a society of its own variety. The systemic changes in these years have been making it even complex and diverse. At the same time India continues to remain in the clutches of feudalism and imperialism.
Since 50 years Naxalbari is fighting to change this reality in various sectors by evolving the people into revolutionary force. All along its path it has been influencing every particular society making some great achievements. No doubt it has become weak and stepped back in some regions because of bloody repression by ruling class and systemic changes in socio economic and political aspects on which the Maoist revolution could have acted on timely. But with the present rise of religious fascist forces in the bed of imperialist new economic policies destroying the parliamentary institutions and throwing the system into severe crisis Naxalbari remains as the only hope. While the bourgeois democracy is pushing all the sectors into the black hole of severe crisis, the Naxalbari path, being implemented in Dandakaranya, Bihar and Jharkhand, AOB, Western Ghats and Jangalmahal, has put forth the alternative self sustaining peopleʹs development programe and true democracy of the people and by the people.
Naxalbari made an indelible impact not only on the revolutionary movement in the
country but also has a tremendous influence on the social relations, emancipation of women, education, art, culture and literature. Since the beginning it has given the alternative ideology and politics in each and every aspect of the society. In fact there is no other movement then Naxalbari which could influence the Indian society to such an extent after 1947. But in contrast it is the most poorly documented history not to say the political and theoretical analysis of the movement.
Marking the 50 th anniversary of Naxalbari, Revolutionary Writers Association attempts to hold a national seminar on the practice of Naxalbari politics in various states of India, in various sectors and its achievements and challenges it has faced and is facing ahead. The seminar will be on 9 th and 10 th of September 2017.
Source : virasam.org

Long Live 50 Years of Naxalbari -Tampa Maoist Collective

 

 

50 years of naxalbari
“In India, the Naxalbari Peasant Revolutionary Armed Uprising, which will complete its 50th anniversary – was influenced and inspired by the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution of China. Naxalbari was a path breaking event under the leadership of Comrade Charu Majumdar – one of the two great leaders, teachers and founders of the CPI (Maoist) (alongside Kanhai Chatterjee) – which marked a new beginning in the history of the country’s democratic revolution.”
These are the observations made by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) while giving a call to celebrate the four great events in the history to achieve socialism in the world, including the fiftieth anniversary of Naxalbari.
It’s obvious that the Maoists – definitively in the CPI (Maoist) – are the real inheritors of the Naxalbari Movement in India, alongside certain revolutionary groups and individuals all over the country. Unless a Bolshevik party is built with Bolshevik spirit to achieve the Indian revolution uniting all such revolutionary forces, New Democratic Revolution in India, a precursor to socialism cannot be achieved.
Naxalbari stands as a dividing line in all aspects of the semi-feudal, semi-colonial Indian polity, society, and culture between the exploiting and the exploited classes, the rulers and the ruled, the comprador bourgeoisie and the broad masses of peasantry and working classes, the parliamentary politics and the alternative revolutionary people’s path. In one word, the class struggle under the leadership of the working class as vanguard to seize state power for the people, and the productive forces to change the relations of production.
The Naxalbari movement for the first time defined the character of the Indian state as a semi-feudal and semi- colonial, comprador bourgeois dictatorship. It had taken Maoism, Marxism-Leninism of this epoch as its world outlook. It had rejected parliamentary politics. It had chosen the path of New Democratic Revolution and waged a protracted war against the state, with armed struggle as the main form of struggle. Its economic programme of land struggle was started in Naxalbari on 23rd May 1967 with the Santals of Naxalbari and Kheribari villages occupying land and declaring their right over the land till 25th May and laying down their lives to protect it against state armed forces intervention.
CPI Maoist
Its military programme is guerrilla war till it has liberated villages and ultimately entered face to face war in capturing the Centre. Today it has reached its mobile warfare stage in Dandakaranya, Bastar in Chhattisgarh and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra put together.
Its political programme is ‘all power to the people’ like that of Soviets in Soviet Russia, and Communes in People’s Republic of China. This political programme was in effect in its embryonic form in Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Wynad and other Adivasi peasant struggles, for that matter even during Telangana Peasant Armed struggle (1946-51).
The programme has taken a firm, vivid and crystal clear form in adopting the resolution to form the Grama Rajya Committees in the 1995 Special Plenum of CPI (ML) Peoples War. Though it was crushed in hundreds of villages in North Telangana during 1995-2003, with encounter killings and such other extra constitutional forms in bloodshed to implement imperialist globalisation policies, it could sustain itself in Dandakaranya and for the last twelve years it has risen to the stage of Janatana Sarkar, where a self-reliant, self-sufficient, united front rule under the landless, the small peasantry, the middle peasantry and the rich peasantry exists. Adivasi, Dalit and oppressed classes are ruling themselves under the leadership of the Party, with the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army protecting the alternative people’s power. And that is why we see today the war on the people particularly in Eastern and Central India, in the Adivasi areas of Jangalmahal in Bengal, Saranda in Jharkhand, Dandakaranya, Andhra-Orissa Border and the Western Ghats.
The Naxalbari spirit of broad revolt was in fact continued by the CPI (ML) of Andhra Pradesh taking the experience of Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle in implementing the mass line and forming mass organisations, particularly after the set back of the Srikakulam movement. After the set back and the martyrdom of Charu Mazumdar in 1972, a Self Critical Report was written and efforts were made to form a Central Organizing Committee which finally resulted during the Emergency to lay down the ‘Road to Revolution’ in the meeting of the Telangana Regional Committee in 1976. Because of the inheritance of Telangana Armed Struggle Virasam – Revolutionary Writers’ Association was formed in 1970, Jana Natya Mandali a great upsurge in the people’s cultural movement has come in 1972, Pilupu – a magazine for the oppressed masses was started in 1973 and by 1974 Radical Students Union – RSU- was also formed.
During the Emergency the radical students had to go underground and conducted studies on the land relations in the villages which can be compared to Hunan Studies under the leadership of Mao Tse Tung, resulting in the great mass upsurge for occupation of land by the landless and poor agricultural laborers particularly Dalits and oppressed classes. The Second conference of RSU in Warangal had given a call to students and youth to ‘go to villages’ to propagate the politics of New Democratic Revolution and to help landless people occupy land and wage struggle to protect it.
A meeting organised in Jagityal, which was later known as ‘Jagityal Jaitra Yatra’ in September 1978 occupied land in 150 villages and declared the right of the people over it. From then onwards a history of class struggle with the mass line continued. The CPI (ML) People’s War was formed in 1980 and with Dandakaranya Perspective had sent squads into Sironcha of Maharashtra and Bastar of Madhya Pradesh.
Dandakaranya Perspective envisaged that unlike a liberated base area in Yenan of China,  the Indian Revolution may need more base areas to usher in New Democratic Revolution, since it also will be a path- breaking revolution to achieve socialism in the world.
In 1999 CPI (ML) Party unity which was active in Bengal, Bihar, Delhi and Punjab merged with Peoples War taking the name of CPI (ML) Peoples War.
On 21st September 2004 CPI (ML) Peoples War and Maoist Communist Centre with a long history of class struggle in Bihar and Bengal under the leadership of Dakshinadesh came together and united as CPI (Maoist).
The united congress of CPI (Maoist) took place in 2007 after the first congress of CPI (ML) in 1970. For the last ten years the peoples war in this country in continuing under this leadership of CPI (Maoist). There is again a line of demarcation between the various CPI (Marxist-Leninist) parties participating in parliamentary elections while talking about the armed struggle, and the CPI (Maoist) adhering to boycotting elections and armed struggle as the main form of class struggle.
In spite of ups and downs, advances and setbacks, once mass line was adopted in 1976, there has been a consistent journey. Today we see the movement in more than one state, even according to the Central government in 16 states there is CPI (Maoist) organisation and in many states particularly in DK, AOB, Jharkhand and Bihar, Western Ghats there are armed struggles supported by mass organisations. In DK there is the Bhoomkal Militia that is the People’s Guerrilla Army safeguarding the people’s power.
Though it looked like a struggle for land whether in Naxalbari, Srikakulam or Telangana in the 1970s, it is a genuine anti-feudal, anti-imperialist struggle with the slogan of ‘land to the tiller’, aiming at seizure of state power by the people. That is why the comprador rulers at the Centre and states look at it with fear and brand it as the “greatest internal threat” to the system and the state.
The imperialist globalisation policy adopted by the Indian government in 1991 as the new economic policy proved the vision of Naxalbari in characterising the state as a collusion of comprador, feudal and imperialist forces.
Naxalbari path being implemented in Dandakaranya, Bihar and Jharkhand, AOB, Western Ghats and Jangalmahal is adopting an alternative people’s development programme to protect the natural wealth and human labor which are plundered by the multinational companies and the big companies in Eastern and Central India.
Whatever may be the political party in power in parliamentary politics – whether an all India party or a regional party – it is adopting the globalisation policy and hence the patriots, the democrats, environmentalists and all those who genuinely feel to uphold the sovereignty of the people have to stand in solidarity with the struggles of the broad masses of this country, particularly Adivasis, Dalits, peasants, workers, women, muslims, students and unemployed youth in different unorganised sectors under the leadership of CPI (Maoist) and other revolutionary forces for alternative politics – self-reliant and self-sufficient, self rule which will usher in New Democratic Revolution. That is the dream of thousands of martyrs who have laid down their lives in fighting against this exploitative system and the state.
One need not go into the details of the degeneration of the parliamentary politics, particularly in the light of 72 votes to Irom Sharmila in Manipur and the UP elections where the BJP could get absolute majority without giving a single seat to Muslims.
So the only hope left to the democratic forces in this country is New Democratic Revolution, the unfulfilled democratic task given to us 50 years ago by Naxalbari movement.
The Tampa Maoist Collective is sharing this statement on behalf of the International Committee to Support the People’s War in India

A SELF-CRITICISM CONCERNING FRSO

For over a year now, Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FightBack!) (FRSO) has refused to address allegations of sexual assault and rape cover-up. As former members of the organization, we recognize the need to publicly self-criticize for upholding FRSO’s line on these allegations.
We self-criticize for: upholding an anti-people political line, distorting democratic centralism, and expressing misogyny. At the heart of FRSO’s mishandling of sexual assault allegations lies an anti-people political line, which we upheld. This line views the organization as something which stands over and above the masses, and is not held accountable to them. By equating FRSO with the revolution and party building in the US, we failed to view the people as the makers of history and ignored their concerns. As former members, we viewed Democratic Centralism incorrectly, emphasizing the centralism of the organization itself over democracy and connecting with the masses. This bureaucratic distortion caused us to submit to the decisions of higher bodies regarding the allegations, even when they were clearly incorrect, divorced from the reality of the situation, and misogynist. We viewed the organization as the most important thing, and all other concerns as secondary. Misogyny is a major factor in this position, which specifically ignores the concerns of women and queer people. It is inherently misogynist to not address allegations of sexual assault because they “derail the work of an organization.” So-called revolutionary groups and revolutionaries are not exempt from misogyny. We assumed that because our organization was paying lip service to women’s and queer liberation we could not be misogynist. This is a form of identity politics and liberalism which is absolutely incorrect.
Whenever people or organizations publicly disagree with FRSO’s handling of the allegations, the internal response is almost always to snitchjacket, denouncing them as either cops or wreckers. Additionally, the organization extends its policy of snitchjacketing into its mass organizations. Not only do FRSO cadre participate, they also dominate the discussion with mass activists by insisting that you either side with FRSO or are a cop. This is another expression of anti-people politics which views FRSO as the only thing that matters in the United States. As FRSO cadre organizing in the mass organization Students for a Democratic Society, we applied this reactionary political line. Whenever the accusations were mentioned, we insisted that they were designed to destroy the organization and were part of a plot against the FRSO. Snitchjacketing is unacceptable in any groups which claim to be revolutionary, and as cadre of the Tampa Maoist Collective, we will actively oppose snitchjacketing in all its forms.
We — the former members of FRSO — were not exempt from the organization’s absolutely reactionary, vile behavior. It is therefore our duty to publicly expose and denounce our own involvement in this deplorable trend of opportunism, victim blaming, and misogyny for which we are self-criticizing. By going along with the actions of Freedom Road, we helped to legitimize this policy. Our behavior funneled people into the circles of the organization who otherwise would have avoided it due to the allegations. Internally, we failed to challenge the official line that the allegations were handled correctly and were meant only to destroy the organization. We also failed to investigate the allegations independently of FRSO, and took their word as truth. This caused our membership with FRSO to act as a barrier between ourselves and the masses. Our willingness to accept the words of friends for the sake of peace was an expression of liberalism which actively endangered the well-being of the people. These errors are expressions of our primary one, which was to ignore the concerns of the people and focus only on the organization.
FRSO’s failure to address the allegations is counter-revolutionary. Communist organizations must be actively proletarian feminist, and are obligated to hold themselves accountable to the masses, and take issues of sexual assault as a matter of life-and-death for the organization. The Marxist-Leninist movement has a long history of failure in addressing the struggles of women and queer people. The Maoist movement must rectify these errors in practice, and engage in organizing for the liberation of women and queer people. We the former members of FRSO intend to rectify these errors in practice by upholding proletarian feminism and recognizing that we are ultimately responsible to the people alone. This will be done by using the mass line and proletarian feminism as key links in our organizing. Any and all instances of misogyny, anti-people behavior, or bureaucracy will be ruthlessly criticized and rectified by our collective. We will work to internalize democracy within our organization and put it in service to the people. We will recognize that our organization is not one which has fallen from the heavens, but which is growing out of the people themselves. Any individuals or organizations which fail to uphold the principles of proletarian feminism and the mass line must necessarily be swept away in a tide of revolutionary justice.    

FOUNDING STATEMENT OF THE TAMPA MAOIST COLLECTIVE

tmc
On January 25th 2017- We are excited to announce the founding of the Tampa Maoist Collective, a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist cadre organization.  As revolutionaries in the United States we recognize that only the science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism can build for the overthrow of capitalism, imperialism, and fascism.  The current US left is dominated by revisionism and reformism and has proven incapable of leading any meaningful resistance to capitalism. The archaic dogmas of Marxism-Leninism have outlived their usefulness to the masses and cannot grapple with the pressing political questions concerning class struggle.  In practice, Marxism-Leninism has lead to small sects riddled with revisionism, bureaucratism, and social democracy.  In the United States, Marxism-Leninism has remained stagnant for decades at best and counterrevolutionary at worst.  Marxism-Leninism reached its limit in the 1960’s, creating the basis for a new and higher stage of revolutionary science, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Several of our members have direct experience within the revisionist left, namely the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FightBack!).  We have separated entirely from this organization and view them as obstacles to revolution.  They actively practice reformism and tailism while masking their politics to the masses.  As the communist movement learned during the cultural revolution, the opponents of socialism wave the red flag to oppose the red flag.  FRSO(FB) refuses to orient itself towards the masses and has ignored allegations of sexual assault and rape apology.  Members of FRSO(FB) have repeatedly snitch-jacketed and harassed anyone who speaks out against their organization.  Any organization which cannot handle accusations of sexual assault most certainly cannot build a vanguard party.
The basis for a new communist party in the United States can only come about through the hegemony of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.  As such, we will work towards building a new communist party alongside other Maoist collectives throughout the United States.  We see this as our ultimate goal, and the ultimate goal of the entire communist movement at this time.  As we create the basis for a new communist party, we will simultaneously work to build a people’s army and united front of all those who can be united against capitalism. This will necessarily take a protracted struggle as we gather forces around a revolutionary line.  We understand that the mass line is our principle method of organization and the goal of our work is to serve the people.  In the spirit of Comrade Mao Zedong, “all our cadre are servants of the people, and whatever we do is to serve the people.”
Build the Collectives, Build the Party! 
Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism! 

Important CPI (Maoist) documents

"Against Proposed Aerial Attacks on Adivasi Areas"

Red Homage to CPI(Maoist) Central Committee member Comrade Sridhar Srinivasan!

“The closure of three thousand schools and ashrams by the CG government is a symbol of the economic and academic bankruptcy and its anti people character”

“In Support of the Australian Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle Against Adani”

“Rise Against the Proposed Salva Judum-2 with the name Vikas Sangharsh Samithi (Committee to Struggle for Development)! — An appeal to the people, democrats, progressive intellectuals, writers, teachers, lawyers, media personnel, human rights organizations, adivasi, non-adivasi social organizations, sarv samaj, sarv adivasi samaj”

“A Call to the People to Fight Back the New Form of Salva Judum and the Supportive Organization of Greenhunt, Salva Judum-2”

“Boycott the Visit of Modi, the Prime Servant of CBB and MNCs to Chhattisgarh”

“Against the Family Planning Murders of Women”

“Condemn the Limitation on Buying Paddy”, in support of the peasant’s struggle

“Against Harrakoder Fake Encounter"

MIB Interview with Comrade Ganapathy: “Building on the new, unique and unprecedented achievements of the last decade, Indian revolution will certainly overcome the difficult situation to win newer, larger and more glorious victories”

Unite, Fight Back and Defeat ‘OGH—Third Phase’ of the Fascist Modi Government

Fight Back [against] the Anti-Working Class Amendments to Labour Laws by the NDA Goverment! Vikas model of Modi is Vinash for the people of India and Vistar for the imperialists and compradors!

CC Collected Statements: Volume 1 (September 2004 - February 2007)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 2 (March 2007 - July 2010)

CC Collected Statements: Volume 3 (August 2010 - August 2014)

Collected Interviews — September 2004 - August 2014

Message to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with the People’s War in India

A Call to the People of India! Shatter the shackles of imperialism and feudalism, Destroy this rotten system! Build your future and that of the country with your own hands!

Statement in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Pamphlet in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) on September 21, 2004, issued by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Condemn the Invasion of Gaza and Massacre of Palestinians by Zionist Israel! Hail the Heroic National Liberation Struggle for Independent Palestine!

Pamphlet and in honor of Com. Barunda (Sushil Roy), put out by the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoist) -Hindi

Jan Sangram Issue4 July 2014 -Hindi

CC CPI(Maoist) Statement on the Lok Sabha Election Results

Jan Sangram 2014 March - Special Election Boycott Issue -Hindi

Jan Sangram, 2014 Pamphlet On International Day Of Support -Hindi

Tongpal Ambush is the Consequence of White Terrorism of the Indian State in the name of Operation Green Hunt — ‘War on the People

Merger Declaration of the CPI(Maoist) and CPI(M-L)Naxalbari

Boycott the sham parliament & assembly elections!

Comrade Abhay Interview on General Elections — 2014

Condolence Message of the CC, CPI(Maoist) on the Demise of Comrade S. A. Rauf

The message for the International Conference in Hamburg by the Secretary, CPI(Maoist)

The Call of the CC, CPI(Maoist) to celebrate the 9° anniversary of the Party

On the PLGA Attack of May 25