(First published as an editorial in People’s Daily, organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on 5 July 1967.)
A peal of spring thunder has crashed over the land of India. Revolutionary peasants in the Darjeeling area have risen in rebellion. Under the leadership of a revolutionary group of the Indian Communist Party a red area of rural revolutionary armed struggle has been established in India. This is a development of tremendous significance for the Indian people’s revolutionary struggle.
In the past few months, the peasant masses in this area, led by the revolutionary group of the Indian Communist Party, have thrown off the shackles of modern revisionism and smashed the trammels that bound them. They have seized grain, land and weapons from the landlords and plantation owners, punished the local tyrants and wicked gentry, and ambushed the reactionary troops and police that went to suppress them thus demonstrating the enormous might of the peasants’ revolutionary armed struggle. All imperialists, revisionists, corrupt officials, local tyrants and wicked gentry, and reactionary army and police are nothing in the eyes of the revolutionary peasants who are determined to strike them down to the dust. The absolutely correct thing has been done by the revolutionary group of the Indian Communist Party and they have done it well. The Chinese people joyfully applaud this revolutionary storm of the Indian peasants in the Darjeeling area as do all Marxist-Leninists and revolutionary people of the whole world.
It is an inevitability that the Indian peasants will rebel and the Indian people will make revolution because the reactionary Congress rule has left them with no alternative. India under Congress rule is only nominally independent; in fact, it is nothing more than a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. The Congress administration represents the interests of the Indian feudal princes, big landlords and bureaucrat-comprador capitalists. Internally, it oppresses the Indian people without any mercy and suck their blood, while internationally it serves the new boss, U.S. imperialism, and its number one accomplice, the Soviet revisionist ruling clique, in addition to its old suzerain British Imperialism, thus selling out the national interests of India in a big way. So imperialism, Soviet revisionism, feudalism and bureaucrat-comprador capitalism weigh like big mountains on the backs of the Indian people, especially on the toiling masses of workers and peasants.
The Congress administration has intensified its suppression and exploitation of the Indian people and pursued a policy of national betrayal during the past few years. Famine has stalked the land year after year. The fields are strewn with the bodies of those who have died of hunger and starvation. The Indian people, above all, the Indian peasants, have found life impossible for them. The revolutionary peasants in the Darjeeling area have now risen in rebellion, in violent revolution. This is the prelude to a violent revolution by the hundreds of millions of people throughout India. The Indian people will certainly cast away these big mountains off their backs and win complete emancipation. This is the general trend of Indian history which no force on earth can check or hinder.
What road is to be followed by the Indian revolution? This is a fundamental question affecting the success of the Indian revolution and the destiny of the 500 million Indian people. The Indian revolution must take the road of relying on the peasants, establishing base areas in the countryside, persisting in protracted armed struggle and using the countryside to encircle and finally capture the cities. This is Mao Tse-tung’s road, the road that has led the Chinese revolution to victory, and the only road to victory for the revolutions of all oppressed nations and peoples.
Our great leader, Chairman Mao Tse-tung, pointed out as long as 40 years ago: “In China’s central, southern and northern provinces, several hundred million peasants will rise like a mighty storm, like a hurricane, a force so swift and violent that no power, however great, will be able to hold it back. They will smash all the trammels that bind them and rush forward along the road to liberation. They will sweep all the imperialists, warlords, corrupt officials, local tyrants and evil gentry into their graves.”
Chairman Mao explicitly pointed out long ago that the peasant question occupies an extremely important place in the people’s revolution. The peasants constitute the main force in the national-democratic revolution against imperialism and its lackeys; they are most reliable and numerous allies of the proletariat. India is a vast semi-colonial and semi-feudal country with a population of 500 million, the absolute majority of which, the peasantry, once aroused, will become the invincible force of the Indian revolution. By integrating itself with peasants, the Indian proletariat will be able to bring about earth-shaking changes in the vast countryside of India and defeat any powerful enemy in a soul-stirring people’s war.
Our great leader, Chairman Mao, teaches us: “The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolution holds good universally, for China and for all other countries.”
The specific nature of the Indian revolution, like that of the Chinese revolution, is armed revolution fighting against armed counter-revolution; Armed struggle is the only correct road for the Indian revolution; there is no other road whatsoever. Such trash as “Gandhi-ism”, “parliamentary road” and the like are opium used by the Indian ruling classes to paralyse the Indian people. Only by relying on violent revolution and taking the road of armed struggle can India be saved and the Indian people achieve complete liberation. Specifically, this is to arouse the peasant masses boldly, build up and expand the revolutionary armed forces, deal blows at the armed suppression of the imperialists and reactionaries, who are temporarily stronger than the revolutionary forces, by using the whole set of the flexible strategy and tactics of people’s war personally worked out by Chairman Mao, and to persist in protracted armed struggle and seize victory of the revolution step by step.
In the light of the characteristics of the Chinese revolution, our great leader, Chairman Mao, has pointed out the importance of establishing revolutionary rural base areas. Chairman Mao teaches us: In order to persist in protracted armed struggle and defeat imperialism and its lackeys, “it is imperative for the revolutionary ranks to turn the backward villages into advanced, consolidated base areas, into great military, political, economic and cultural bastions of the revolution from which to fight their vicious enemies who are using the cities for attacks on the rural districts, and in this way gradually to achieve the complete victory of the revolution through protracted fighting.”
India is country with vast territory; its countryside, where the reactionary rule is weak, provides the broad areas in which the revolutionaries can manoeuvre freely. So long as the Indian proletarian revolutionaries adhere to the revolutionary line of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung’s Thought and rely on their great ally, the peasants, it is entirely possible for them to establish one advanced revolutionary rural base area after another in the broad backward rural areas and build a people’s army of a new type. Whatever difficulties and twists and turns the Indian revolutionaries may experience in the course of building such revolutionary base areas, they will eventually develop such areas from isolated points into a vast expanse, from small areas into extensive ones, an expansion in a series of waves. Thus, a situation in which the cities are encircled from the countryside will gradually be brought about in the Indian revolution to pave the way for the final seizure of towns and cities and winning nation-wide victory.
The Indian reactionaries are panic-stricken by the development of the rural armed struggle in Darjeeling. They have sensed imminent disaster and they wail in alarm that the peasants’ revolt in Darjeeling will “become a national disaster.” Imperialism and the Indian reactionaries are trying in a thousand and one ways to suppress this armed struggle of the Darjeeling peasants and nip it in the bud. The Dange renegade clique and revisionist chieftains of the Indian Communist Party are vigorously slandering and attacking the revolutionaries in the Indian Communist Party and the revolutionary peasants in Darjeeling for their great exploits. The so-called “non-Congress” government in West Bengal openly sides with the reactionary Indian Government in its bloody suppression of the revolutionary peasants in Darjeeling. This gives added proof that these renegades and revisionists are running dogs of U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism and lackeys of the big Indian landlords and bourgeoisie. What they call the “Non-Congress government” is only a tool of the landlords and bourgeoisie.
But no matter how well the imperialists, Indian reactionaries and the modern revisionists may cooperate in their sabotage and suppression, the torch of armed struggle lighted by the revolutionaries in the Indian Communist Party and the revolutionary peasants in Darjeeling will not be put out. “A single spark can start a prairie fire”. The spark in Darjeeling will start a prairie fire and will certainly set the vast expanses of India ablaze. That a great storm of revolutionary armed struggle will eventually sweep across the length and breadth of India is certain. Although the course of the Indian revolutionary struggle will be long and tortuous, the Indian revolution, guided by great Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung’s Thought, will surely triumph.
Source : Libration, India
IN Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region, the police first brand young tribal women as Naxalite sympathisers and use this ruse to raid their homes and villages. (Women recruits in Maoist camps are not allowed to marry or become pregnant). It is when a young woman beseeches the cops that she is not a Maoist and that she is a mother, the law-enforcers demand proof. So they squeeze her breasts to verify that she is not telling a lie. Obviously, the “anti-national” slur is only a ploy to satiate their crude, carnal pleasures, inflicting deeps wounds into the psyche of the hapless women.
On January 31, Gayathiri Bose, a 33-year-old Singaporean mother, was forced to lactate by security officials at Frankfurt airport (en route Paris) to prove that she was still breastfeeding as they thought her breast pump was suspicious. She was travelling without her baby due to some domestic reasons. Bose told BBC that she was forced to go into a private room for questioning with a female officer where she was told to open her blouse, show her breast and squeeze it. After a 45-minute ordeal she was allowed to board her flight to Paris. Bose said she left ‘humiliated’ and is considering legal action. Bose is educated, articulate and well-off and may pursue her tormentors, and make a fortune out of a possible damage suit. The German official’s conduct is deplorable even if it was spurred by the looming shadow of global terrorism.
If you are shocked to hear about the humiliation of Gayathiri Bose, hold your breath; you will be even more jolted to read about what is happening in our own backyard. In Frankfurt, Bose was told to lactate by a “woman officer”, who did not touch her breast. In Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region, policemen, yes you heard right (male cops), squeeze the breasts of young tribal women to “certify” that they are lactating. Even more disgusting is the fact that women’s breasts are fondled and squeezed in the pretext of “anti-national operations” by gun-toting, fun-loving male cops. The police first brand them as Naxalite sympathisers and use this ruse to raid their homes and villages. (Women recruits in Maoist camps are not allowed to marry or become pregnant). It is when a young woman beseeches the cops that she is not a Maoist and that she is a mother, the law-enforcers demand proof. So they squeeze her breasts to verify that she is not telling a lie. Obviously, the “anti-national” slur is only a ploy to satiate their crude, carnal pleasures, inflicting deeps wounds into the psyche of the hapless women.
A group of tribal women in a village in Bastar, recently narrated their demeaning existence to television journalist Tanushree Pandey of CNN-News 18. Huddled in a remote forested area, shamed and vulnerable, the victims recounted their horror stories (that they endured between October 2015 and January 2016) to News 18, the only channel that traversed 1500-odd km to talk to the abused women caught between a ruthless police and the Maoists. “I was four months pregnant when I was raped. They (the security forces) did not care I was pregnant,” said a feeble voice, her face blurred by the channel. Another said, she had just delivered (eight hours before) and lactating. “They were not convinced and a cop squeezed my breasts to see if there was milk.” Another woman said “they groped me, sexually assaulted and beat me.” Yet another said “Four men blindfolded me and raped me, later they left me unconscious…” The women said the police also “loot their homes in the name of search” for Maoists. Some rued that their houses were “hijacked” by the security men and “we could not enter our own houses”.
These incidents have been happening for quite some time away from civilisational glare. Unfortunately, they do not make prime time news. With the sole exception of CNN-News 18, no national television channel has aired the abominable acts of the law-enforcers. In TRP obsessed television journalism, a rape in Delhi, Mumbai or Bangalore gets instant, feverish coverage with anchors dissecting every detail of the incident, mouthing simulated indignation. Women and child development minister Maneka Gandhi last Friday demanded President’s rule in Kerala following the rape of a Malayalam film actress near Kochi. Hope she will seek stringent action against Chhattisgarh cops if not President’s rule in the state.
Despite a slew of social welfare schemes, the condition of the downtrodden continues to be abysmal. Even basic human rights are denied. The horror stories from Chhattisgarh invalidate the claims that smaller states are better administered. The situation of the underprivileged is more or less the same in Jharkhand and Telangana also. While in Chhattisgarh, those questioning government policies are branded “anti-nationals” and Maoist sympathisers, in Telangana, they are dubbed “anti-Telangana people”. Last year, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) released a “perspective paper” on alternative development. The party undertook a “mahajana padayatra” in Telangana to canvass and mobilise public support for the slogan “Comprehensive Development of State with Social Justice.” The padayatra crisscrossed some 2000 km in 600-odd villages in two months and received tonnes of inputs from people seeking better alternatives and better governance.
The TRS, which rode to power in 2014 in the emotionally charged elections, has become yet another bourgeoisie party vigorously pursuing globalisation and liberalisation policies even as disparities between people and regions have been widening. According to social scientists, the main reason for the uneven distribution of income in India is the “large sectoral income variations” giving rise to widening regional disparities. The Economic Survey released last month by the finance ministry has mooted Universal Basic Income (in lieu of existing state benefits) to combat poverty. While UBI has become a globally accepted policy concept as an antidote to high inequality and the prospect of job losses due to automation, critics do not fully endorse it. In place of UBI, the CPM has demanded “Universal Basic Entitlement” – as the income is not stable and can evaporate whereas entitlements remain constant and people can always access them for their own utility. Rather than a client-ship paradigm, “equal partnership” programme is best suited in the Indian context, the comrades aver. Development economist Jean Dre’ze though supports the UBI in principle, is also cautious as it could become a “Trojan horse” for dismantling of hard-won entitlements of the underprivileged.
An Indefatigable Warrior Vara Vara Rao
The Voice stopped already a year ago. After he returned from Dandakaranya, in the wake of maoists taking Alex Paul (District Collector, Sukma district, Chhattisgarh state) into custody, he called this writer regularly enquiring ‘‘when would we be able to go again to Maad and when Haragopal would be free to accompany him’’. Once he said over phone : ‘‘Now a days, I an unable to remember things. One day while speaking in a forum, I collapsed on the dias. Before my memory power is completely crashed, let us visit Baster once’’. In fact, he was not in a state to go anywhere, let alone Bastar. But his undiminishing love towards adivasis always wanted him to move out and stay with people. He was B D Sharma, a Gandhian and an affectionate human being to all who loved this world.
Perhaps, he is one among the first generation of IAS officers. He was once the Collector to the Bastar district. Now comprising 7 districts, Baster is bigger than Kerala state and larger than many European countries. Since his stint began in Bastar, he created a niche in adivasi hearts.
His book on ‘Bailadilla Women’, written in the backdrop of iron ore mining, during 1960s, in Bailadilla of Bastar, meant for exports to Japan and Korea, captured the battered lives of women. The book shook many intellectuals. He developed great respect on the adivasis’ concerns towards nature, land, livestock and their strong inclination towards natural life. He realized that ‘Jal, Jungle and Zamin’ is not a mere slogan. Not just a political programme. It is a mode of life. On that mode, nature and humans co-exist, though there is perennial struggle as well. When he stepped into Bastar as an administrative representative of the state, he experienced the bitter truth that the state is but an instrument of oppression and never is an aid to people’s amelioration.
That was why he strongly believed that like in the USA, making of the Constitution began with the deprivation of indigenous people’s rights. Because, the State’s interference followed capital penetration centuries ago. This intolerance changed the history of adivasis and trampled the freedom of adivasis. He often said that with the inception of Indian Constitution, the forest itself became a prison for adivasis. His book on how the clan life of adivasis was broken in the republic unmistakably reflects this view. In his long span of life, he reached high echelons, he faced insults too. He utilized these highs and lows to put his outlook into practice.
As a Collector of Bastar, as National Commissioner of SCs and STs, or as the vice-chancellor of NEHU (North-East Hill University) in whichever position he might be, he commanded profound respect from all the PMs from Indira Gandhi to Rajiv Gandhi. He got this reverence as a representative of adivasis who declared his partisanship with adivasis fearlessly. When he exposed the state supported conspiracies of industrialists to establish industries, in Chattisgarh he took in his stride the ignominy of stripping and parading with garlands of chappals. When Chhathis-garh CM commented that why B D Sharma was being allowed to roam in his state, he quipped : ‘The rulers have become servile to the corporate and hence these atrocities’.
He prepared a comprehensive report delineating that adivasis take collective decisions and implement them; that they have their own general administrative self-rule and hence the ‘gram sabhas’ (the village assemblies) should have all the powers to be able to decide what adivasis want in the forest. He got the report introduced through an adivasi member of the house. This report later came to be known as Bhuria Commission Report. Today, whether it is the case of Narmada Project or Polavaram Project, the ‘gram sabhas’ have become nominal. He was appalled to see the government’s interference. The mandatory approvals of adivasis in acquiring land, etc, were gotten by the Collectors and Revenue officials with the help of police. The collectors and the Revenue Officials would not even care to visit the villages. He took voluntary retirement and began his ‘Bharat Jan Andolan’. It’s headquarter is in Bastar and he opened an office near Hazrat Nizamuddin Railway Station in New Delhi.
What is people’s sovereignty? What is self-rule? What kind of freedom and needs that adivasis and dalits aspire for? He wrote 70 books in English and Hindi depciting his deep knowledge of adivasis and their entwined relationships with ‘jungle and zamin’. The books reflect his long experience with the countryside.
Since one and half decade he had been moving with a file in his hand. The file contains a resolution adopted by the UN Security Council. He reads that resolution in all the meetings. Indian Constitution recognized the rights and powers of adivasis on ‘Jal, Jungle and Zamin’ in the 5th and 6th schedules; it also recognized the autonomy of North-East, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and separate states were formed too; but the UN went ahead by drawing territorial powers of the adivasis from the world history of indigenous people’s struggles, ratified the territorial rights.
That means—the 1/70 act, that recognized rights of adivasis over forests which came into effect in the backdrop of Srikakulam Adivasi peasant struggle; and the Samata judgement, according to the Supreme Court, that says that not just the non-adivasi private individuals, but even the state can neither purchase nor sell the adivasi land, without adivasis’ consent.
Now the UN Security Council asserts that the Private individuals and even the state could not enter the adivasi region without adivasis’ consent. B D Sharma time and again was saying that the territorial rights are defined by the UN in such a way. Then even the Army has no right to enter the North-East region without people’s consent, let alone the special powers given to the army. Even the Central Government cannot interfere. The centre has no powers to deploy paramilitary forces into Jangal Mahal, Jharkhand, Dandakaranya, Odisha, North-Andhra and Telangana regions. Without adivasi consent, neither any Corporate power nor the government could enter. This ideal concept of adivasi territorial power concept might be shrugged off as an utopian one by the contemporary mindsets, but B D Sharma lived and died to implement these ideas. In this journey of six decades, he dedicated his life—when he was in position or sans any position; with government’s help and its wrath—receiving the both with equanimity—serving the country to his last breath.
He well understood the government, the Constitution and the centralized rule are shackles to the adivasis. At the same time, he had the knack and creativity to utilize this system and its institution in the service of adivasis’ cause. If that were not possible, he preferred to participate in people’s resistance movements. In this endeavour, his Gandhism was never a hurdle in working with revolutionaries. The maoists who are straining every nerve to build up alternative people’s political organs since 35 years—never considered him as a government officer or an outsider. That was why when Sukma’s Collector Alex Paul was in their detention, they chose B D Sharma and Haragopal as mediators who could talk to the government to press their demands. After discussions with this duo, the representative from Dandakaranya Special Zone Committee (DKSZC), Vijay Madkam, released the Collector showing deference to B D Sharma and Haragopal.
In 1992, the All India People’s Resistance Forum (AIPRF) was formed. AIPRF was aimed to fight the imperialist dictated policies of globalisation, privatisation and liberalisation as the government’s model for country’s development that had come into vogue in the name of New Economic Policy, was declared in 1991. Ever since the formation of the Forum, B D Sharma had been working like a young activist in the Forum. The imperialists in their efforts to manufacturing consent formed fora like—World Social Forum. Asia Social Forum. Exposing this conspiracy, Mumbai Resistance was held in 2004 (MR-2004). During this period of about a month, from December 2003 to January 2004 be stayed in Forum’s office, dined with Forum activists, energetically participated in all deliberations. He was a man of lofty ideals but with a plebeian attire. His simple life inspired everyone.
For twenty three years B D Sharma would walk with Forum activists and share their joys and griefs; troubled and tribulations and rigours of repressions as well.
He came to Bihar to participate in Muzaffarpur’s meeting. He alignted at Patna and reached his former student’s house. The former student was the then Secretary to the Home Ministry, Bihar government. In the evening the government declared that permission was denied to the meeting. The meeting was planned by ‘Committee Against War on People’ in protest against the Operation Green Hunt. The media enquired the then CM Nitish Kumar why he disallowed people like B D Sharma to participate in the meeting and why the government was objecting to hold the meeting when the CM declared that there was no such Operation Green Hunt in Bihar. Immediately the government withdrew the orders prohibiting the meeting.
When he was invited to become part of the People’s Alternative Forum at Hyderabad, on the occasion of the completion of 10 years of formation of the Maoist Party, B D Sharma consented to be the member of the Forum and expressed his readiness to come as a speaker to that meeting. By then, his health deteriorated considerably. He was shifted to Gwalior. Now everyone knows that permission was denied to that meeting by large scale arrests and repression. When there was a raid by the intelligence personnel from Maharashtra and the centre on Saibaba’s residence in Delhi, he stayed at his place and strongly protested the police action. Despite soaring temperatures of May and his feeble health condition, he was stubborn to go to Nagpur to meet Saibaba in the prison. He lived in the people’s movements and he loved the activists. Such a quinessential human being, B D Shama was. He longed for the aspirations of People’s sovereign powers. Can anyone believe that he is no more? He is truly immortal inspiring people to carry forward the unfulfilled tasks. Footnotes :
1. Maad : Earlier known as Abhuj Maad (unknown Maad), one of the most backward pockets in Bastar Region in Chhattisgarh State.
2. Haragopal, Retired Professor, Central University, Hyderabad and Civil Rights Activist.
[This is a translation from an article published in Telugu Daily, Saakshi on 9th December, 2015. Vava Vara Rao, one of the founder members of Virasam (Revolutionary Writers’ Association)
“Let us not allow RSS/ABVP to convert our universities into Shamshaans and Kabristans!
The attack today in Ramjas College might appear to be a fall out of ABVP’s opposition to my presence in the seminar. I was supposed to speak in the seminar titled ‘Cultures of Protest’ and my presentation was on ‘The War in Adivasi Areas’. My co-panelists Bimol Akoijam and Sanjay Kak were supposed to speak on AFSPA and other conflict areas. Many other panels in the seminar were to discuss issues of gender, sexuality, caste and the assault on university spaces. It was not just my participation, but this range of issues being discussed in a college in DU, was something that the ABVP was opposed to. And because of their violence, the seminar has been called off for the time being.
A lively culture of debate, discussion and dissent is what constitutes the essence of a university. Today’s attack by ABVP hooligans in Ramjas College was an attack on this essence of a university. ABVP in Delhi University has done this repeatedly – be it the violent disruption of the film screening of Muzaffarnagar Baki Hai, the attacks in History Department in DU, the attacks on Prof. SAR Geelani and recently on Dr. GN Saibaba or the repeated attacks on the activists and programs of Pinjratod.
Fascism thrives in an environment of fear, and through these attacks they want to make us fearful. But the most fitting response we can give to these fascists is by fearlessly organising more such programs, seminars, screening and protests. I heard scores of students of Delhi University came out today without any fear to resist these hooligans. We have to intensify the resistance, till we politically ideologically defeat and isolate the ABVP and their masters in power. If we fail to stand up right now, they will convert our universities too into shamshaans and kabristans!”
Published:Liberation, June 1968 Source: Selected Works of Charu Mazumdar Transcription: CPI-ML HTML Markup: Nik McDonald for MIA, June 2006 Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2006). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.
Full one year has passed since the peasant struggle in Naxalbari began. This struggle is different from all other peasant struggles. Where is the difference? Peasants have always struggled against various injustices and oppressions. This is the first time that the peasants have struggled not only for their partial demands but for the seizure of state power. If the Naxalbari peasant struggle has any lesson for us, it is this: militant struggles must be carried on not for land, crops etc., but for the seizure of state power. It is precisely this that gives the Naxalbari struggle its uniqueness. Peasants in different areas must prepare themselves in a manner so as to be able to render ineffective the state apparatus in their respective areas. It is in Naxalbari that this path has been adopted for the first time in the history of peasant struggles in India. In other words, the revolutionary era has been ushered in, and this is the first year of that era. It is for this reason that the revolutionaries of all countries are heartily welcoming the Naxalbari struggle.
India has been turned into a base of imperialism and revisionism, and is acting today as a base of reactionary forces against the people struggling for liberation. That is why the Naxalbari struggle is not merely a national struggle; it is also an international struggle. This struggle is difficult, and the path we have chosen is in no way easy or smooth. The path of revolution is difficult, not smooth or easy, and difficulties, dangers and even retreats will be there. But the peasants who are fired with the spirit of the new internationalism have defied all this and refused to submit. They continue to persist in their path of struggle.
Our experience during the last one year shows that the message of this struggle in a small area has spread to every corner of India. Each one of the existing political parties has opposed the Naxalbari struggle, yet the people are thinking in terms of this struggle and are coming forward to take the path charted by this struggle. The heroic leaders of the Naxalbari struggle are still living and the reactionary government, in spite of all their attempts, has not been able to destroy them. This shows how true are the words of Chairman Mao: “All reactionaries are paper tigers. In appearance, the reactionaries are terrifying but in reality are not so powerful.”
The Chairman has said, “the complete collapse of colonialism, imperialism and all systems of exploitation, and the complete emancipation of all the oppressed peoples and nations of the world are not far off.”
Let us march forward to usher in that brilliant sunshine of liberation!
CPI (Maoist) has given a call for “nationwide shutdown” on February 27 to protest against the policies of the Centre and the Chhattisgarh government.
The secretary of the south sub-zonal bureau of CPI (Maoist) Ganesh Uike issued a press statement seeking the people’s support for the ‘bandh’ in protest against demonetisation and its ‘favourable’ approach towards the corporates, multinational companies.
The rebels claimed that the demonetisation has led to inflation, unemployment and poverty in the country.
The rebels demanded release of seven members of Telangana Democratic Front jailed in Sukma jail and halting of search operations and ‘fake encounters’ against the Maoists in the region.
They expressed concern over the creation of Bastar battalion and demanded strict action on the forces over the alleged atrocities against tribal women in Chattisgarh.
The comrades also demanded registering of murder case against the inspector general of police SRP Kalluri who was recently shifted to the state police headquarters from Bastar. They sought his dismissal over the alleged violation of human rights, massacre of tribal persons and suppression of the people in the conflict-ridden south Chhattisgarh.
Call for the Four Upcoming Anniversaries: “Celebrate the Fiftieth Anniversaries of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) an the Historic Naxalbari Armed Uprising, Centenary of the Earth-shaking Russian Socialist Revolution and the Bicentenary of the Birth of the Great Teacher of the International Proletariat Karl Marx with Revolutionary Enthusiasm and Spirit!”, Call of the Central Committee, Communist Party of India (Maoist), 16 March 2016, and signed by Ganapathy, General Secretary, CC, CPI(Maoist). English: PDF format [7 pages; 53 KB]; Telugu: PDF format [9 pages; 268 KB] ( (Posted: Jan. 2, 2017)); English booklet: PDF format [11 pages; 128 KB]; Hindi booklet: PDF format [12 pages; 77 KB]
[Our apologies: Somehow, the next two postings have been corrupted and are not yet available. We will try to obtain the documents again and post them here. —BannedThought.net (11/14/16)]
“What for is the ‘Bastariya Battallion’ in Chathisgarh of India?”, an unsigned article, 2 pages. [Not yet available.]
“The Journey”, by Satnam, issued in homage to that comrade. This document has three parts: the writing in English by Satnam about Dandakaranya beginning around 2006; an article in Telugu entitled “Today’s Dandakaranya”, by Com. Sankar; and a second appendix in English, a 20-page booklet on state repression [which is also available separately below]. The whole document totals 125 pages. [Not yet available.]
(Posted: Jan. 2, 2017) “Demand a stop to the war-mongering, chauvinism and aggression by the expansionist Hindu-fascist Modi regime against Pakistan! Oppose state terror against the Kashmiri people! Support the just struggle of the Kashmiri nation for Azadi!”, statement by Abhay, spokesperson of the Central Committee of the CPI(Maoist), October 2, 2016, 5 pages. English: PDF format [109 KB]; English: MS Word format (.docx) [24 KB]
NAGPUR: Two jawans of Chhattisgarh police’s Special Task Force (STF) were killed in an encounter with Maoists in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region on Wednesday.
Devnath, the Assistant Inspector General of Police of Chhattisgarh police’s Anti-Naxal Operation unit said the encounter took place near Tumdiwal forest area of Kondagoan. “Some Maoists were reported to be killed and some injured,” he said.
Senior Maoist leader and a member of CPI (Maoist) Danda Karanya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) Ganesh Uike, has demanded registration of an FIR against former Bastar range Inspector General of Police Shiv Ram Prasad Kalluri for alleged human rights violation. He said, “Kalluri is a member of Sangh Pariwar. He unleashed a genocide of tribals in Bastar in the name of anti-Maoist operations. Mr.Kalluri and he should be immediately suspended from the service.”
Maoist in Andhra-Odisha Border area are increasing their formations
VISAKHAPATNAM: Despite facing a major setback in the form of the Ramaguda encounter last year, the Maoists in Andhra-Odisha Border (AOB) areas are increasing their formations and gradually gaining strength. The security forces in both AP and Odisha suspect that the naxals have been able to recover from the damages with the help of battalions from Dandakaranya in Chhattisgarh.
Four to five companies of PLGA teams from Chhattisgarh have been deployed to various places in AOB. According to sources, all these teams were detached from the Maoist battalions in Sukma and Dantewada districts of Chhattisgarh. It is a strategy to decentralise the forces and show strong presence to support their cadres wherever the rank and file is weak, the sources added.
Another information that has the cops on high alert is that the work of monitoring and guiding the affairs in AOB have been entrusted to senior central committee leaders Mallojula Venugopala Rao alias Sonu of Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC), the younger brother of Kishanji who was killed in the West Midnapore encounter, and Tipparthi Tirupati alias Deoji. Both the leaders are experts in political campaigning and military actions. They also have experience in guiding squads in difficult situations and terrains, the sources said.
Having more than three and a half decades of experience in naxal movements in north Telangana and Dandakaranya, both the central committee members are now concentrating on strengthening the squads in AOB, the sources claimed.
After facing severe losses in the Ramaguda encounter, the politburo and central committee of CPI Maoists reportedly assigned Sonu and Deoji to lead the Maoist movement in AOB. According to intelligence inputs, both of them along with former secretary of AOB RK alias Ramakrishna held discussions regarding the present conditions in AOB before chalking out plans in December last year.
“The naxals have been engaging in Tactical Counter Offence Campaign (TCOC) in AOB areas,” a senior police official said, adding that though the number of Maoists and their militia members has come down in recent times, the involvement of cadres in the Sunki Ghat Road blast where eight drivers of Koraput district police department were killed proves the additional deployment of cadres from Chhattisgarh.
When contacted, Visakha Rural SP Rahuldev Sarma said they have received information about Maoist movement in Visakhapatnam district and are taking precautionary measures.